PEDRO PIZARRO. RELATION OF THE DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF THE KINGDOMS OF PERU. VOLUME 2

PEDRO PIZARRO. RELATION OF THE DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF THE KINGDOMS OF PERU. VOLUME II.
Педро Писарро. Сообщение об Открытии и Завоевании Королевств Перу. Том 2.

PEDRO PIZARRO. RELATION OF THE DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF THE KINGDOMS OF PERU. VOLUME II

IN TWO VOLUMES

VOLUME II

TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH AND ANNOTATED

BY

PHILIP AINSWORTH MEANS

THE CORTES SOCIETY

NEW YORK

1021

COCKAYNE, BOSTON

RELATION

[CONTINUED]

RELATION OF THE DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF
THE KINGDOMS OF PERU, AND OF THE GOVERN-
MENT AND ARRANGEMENTS WHICH THE NA-
TIVES OF THEM FORMERLY HAD, AND OF THE
TREASURES WHICH WERE FOUND THEREIN,
AND OF THE OTHER EVENTS WHICH HAVE
TAKEN PLACE IN THOSE REALMS UP TO THE

DAY ON WHICH THE RELATION WAS SIGNED

BY PEDRO PIZARRO, A CONQUEROR AND
SETTLER OF THOSE SAID KINGDOMS, AND A

CITIZEN OF THE CITY OF AfiEQUIPA, IN THE
YEAR 1571

VOLUME II

The Marquis, having set out from Cuzco,
went to Xauxa in order to found there a city
of Spaniards, and there he found Soto and
Mango Inga. They had returned, because
the warriours whom Quizquiz led were now
routed by the attack which the Spaniards
delivered against them, and, in his [Soto’s]
pursuit, he had gone beyond Atavillos, where

285

286 Pedro Pizarro

Quizquiz had disappeared, fleeing with some
few Indians toward Quito, where afterwards
he was killed by the Indian natives, because
the Spaniards never had him in their hands.
Don Diego de Almagro with some Spaniards
went to Quito, because news was received
that Don Pedro de Alvarado had disembarked
at Puerto Viejo with five hundred men from
Guatimala and that he was even now travers-
ing the mountains between Puerto Viejo and
Quito, as indeed he was. In this [city of]
Quito was Benalcazar with some troops he
had gathered, by command of the Marquis,
at Tangarala, who had come thither from
Nicaragua after it [Tangarala] was founded.
To this Benalcazar the Marquis sent [a mes-
sage] from Caxamalca, ordering him to collect
all the troops I mention [and as many more]
as might be found and to go to Quito so as to
occupy that land in his [Pizarro’s] name,
because he was suspicious lest some captain
come and occupy this province of Quito on
the ground that it was not settled by Span-
iards.

Relation 287

Having arrived at Quito, Don Diego de
Almagro received word that Don Pedro de
Alvarado was now drawing nigh, and he sent
messengers to him to inform him that Quito
had been settled by his companion Don
Francisco Pizarro, and [advising him] not to
stir up rebellion in the land because com-
plaint [of his doing so] would be made to His
Majesty. When Don Pedro de Alvarado
learned that the Marquis had already con-
quered this entire kingdom and had established
some villages in it, he came to see Don Diego
de Almagro, and he entered into agreement
with him to the effect that he [Almagro]
should pay him for the expenses which he
had incurred on account of his fleet, and that
he [Alvarado] should leave his troops there and
return to Guatimala. They agreed that he
[Alvarado] should be given ninety thousand
castellanos, and when this agreement was
made he handed over the troops whom he
led, and he and Don Diego de Almagro re-
turned from Pachacama with all the troops
who came with him.

288 Pedro Pizarro

To return now to the Marquis who was in
Xauxa making the settlement. He divided
up the neighbouring Indians [among the set-
tlers] and founded his town in Xauxa. 108
This he did before he had news of the agree-
ment made with Don Pedro de Alvarado. He
settled here in order not to leave unprotected
the highlands and because of the fewness of
the Spaniards there [which caused him to fear]
lest the mountaineers, who were many, arise
in rebellion. Having formed this settlement,
he sent Soto to Cuzco, making him his lieu-
tenant in that city [and giving him] a few
Spaniards. At the same time he sent Mango
Inga to go with Soto to Cuzco. This done,
the Marquis was desirous of seeing Pacha-
cama and Chincha, which were much praised,
and taking with him twenty men he set out
to see them, leaving in Xauxa as his lieutenant
Grabiel de Rojas who had just come from
Nicaragua. 107 Then the Marquis set forth
for Pachacama, and having arrived there, he
remained several days, and from there he
set forth to see Chincha, and while he was

Relation 289

there Grabiel de Rojas wrote to him to tell
him that the land was all uneasy and like to
break out into rebellion, and [asking him]
to betake himself with all speed to Xauxa.
As soon as these letters were received, the
Marquis set out, and passing up through the
valley of Lunaguan he arrived at Xauxa
where he was well received by the Spaniards,
and the Indians relapsed into calm. While he
was in this place a messenger arrived from
Almagro who sent him from Quito after the
agreements with Don Pedro de Alvarado in
order to give information about what had
been agreed and carried out with respect to
Don Pedro de Alvarado. The messenger who
came here with this news was Diego de
Agtiero who had gone with Almagro. Then,
when the Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro
knew of the good success of his companion,
and as he saw that the Spanish pioneers were
losing their fear of the natives, he deter-
mined to move the town of Xauxa to Lima,
where it now is, which is the city of the
Kings, and so he set forth and made his

290 Pedro Pizarro

camp at Pachacama where he awaited Don
Pedro de Alvarado and Don Diego de Alma-
gro, and from there he sent to examine the
site of the city of the Kings in the valley of
Lima, where he settled, as has been said.
And at this time arrived Don Pedro de Al-
varado and Don Diego de Almagro with all
the troops whom Don Pedro de Alvarado had
brought to this kingdom. When they ar-
rived here, there were great rejoicings and
games with canes. And, at the end of some
days, Don Pedro de Alvarado was rested, and
he was given his money, although Almagro
had won almost half of it from him. He em-
barked and returned to Guatimala, leaving all
of his soldiers in this land, and the Marquis
passed on to Lima and founded the city of the
Kings which still exists. 108

This founding of the city of the Kings hav-
ing been accomplished, the Marquis Don
Francisco Pizarro gave power such as he him-
self had to Don Diego de Almagro, his com-
panion, and he sent him to the city of Cuzco
in order that he might take up his residence

Relation 291

there and distribute the Indians to those
persons to whom he perceived it advisable to
give them. Don Diego de Almagro, being in
possession of this authority, set forth for the
city of Cuzco, taking with him the greater
part of the troops whom Don Pedro de Al-
varado had brought with him, as well as other
gentlemen such as Victores de Alvarado.
And to some of the men of Alvarado and to
Don Gomez de Luna he [Pizarro] gave occu-
pation, giving [also] to some of them the
Chachapoyas, and others he sent down to
Puerto Viejo and others he took with him to
Chimo, which is the valley where Trujillo
lies and after having sent off Almagro, as has
been told, he [Pizarro] went to found the city
of Trujillo, 109 and there he gave good cheer
to some of those who had come with Don
Pedro de Alvarado, although others of them
who went with Almagro to Cuzco came back
so puffed up and haughty that the whole of
this kingdom of Peru seemed to them but a
slight matter. And so they determined to go
to Chile with Don Diego de Almagro,

292 Pedro Pizarro

believing that there they would find another
Peru. Then, Don Diego de Almagro having
arrived at Cuzco with the troops already men-
tioned, and while he was there in all tran-
quility, the news reached him that His
Majesty had made him a grant of the govern-
orship of the lands beyond the borders [of
the jurisdiction] of the Marquis Don Francisco
Pizarro. While he was waiting for the des-
patches, those of the men of Don Pedro de
Alvarado whom he had with him convinced
him that Cuzco fell within the limits of his
governorship. On getting wind of this, Joan
Pizarro and Gonzalo Pizarro his brother,
who were in Cuzco, spoke to their friends
about it, for they had many, in order that they
might not yield to the intrigues of the men
of Alvarado and Almagro. And while he
was in this [city], Almagro believed that Joan
Pizarro was making ready to go out upon the
road to seize the despatches [granting to
Almagro] his government, and [moved by]
this rumour which was spread abroad, he
[Almagro] likewise made ready a body of

Relation 293

troops, and although it was understood that
his purpose was to possess himself of Cuzco,
he feigned what I have related. At this time
Soto was corregidor. He favoured Almagro,
and one day he came to where Joan Pizarro
was with his friends in order to incarcerate
him in his dwelling, but failing to do the same
to Don Diego de Almagro. Then, on account
of this matter, Joan Pizarro and Soto had
words, for Joan Pizarro told him that he was
unfairly partial, and Soto replied that it was
not so, whereupon Joan Pizarro seized a lance
and stuck Soto with it, and, had not he [Soto]
quickly fled upon the horse he was riding, he
would have been overthrown by the blows of
the lance. Joan Pizarro followed him until
he chased him into the place where Almagro
was, and, had not the friends and soldiers of
Almagro succoured him, he [Joan Pizarro]
would have slain him, for Joan Pizarro was a
very valiant and ireful man. And when
Almagro and the troops who were with him
saw Soto enter fleeing and Joan Pizarro after
hmi, they took their arms, which they had in

294 Pedro Pizarro

readiness, and they went out against Joan
Pizarro, and so, from one side or another,
troops assembled with their arms in the plaza,
and, had it not been for Gomez de Alvarado,
a gentleman whom Don Pedro de Alvarado
had brought with him, [many of] both sides
would this day have met their deaths. This
Gomez de Alvarado, mounted upon his horse,
stationed himself with a lance in the middle
[of the contending forces], and he kept them
apart, the one side from the other, beseeching
them to look to the service of God our Lord
and of His Majesty, and [hearing] these words
and others, they separated, Joan Pizarro
going with his friends to his dwelling, and
Almagro with his friends to his. And so they
continued in arms, the one side and the other
until the Marquis, who was founding Trujillo,
was given news of it. It was at this time that
Don Diego de Almagro killed the brothers of
Mango Inga, as I have said, in order to win
his [Mango’s] favour for his own ends and evil
plans which he had, and, had not Joan Pizarro
had the number of friends which he did have,

Relation 295

it is to be understood that Almagro would
have made himself master of Cuzco. When
this riot in Cuzco was learned about by the
Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro, he founded
Trujillo and came post-haste to Cuzco, and
when he was arrived, he and his companion
Almagro came into an understanding, and it
was agreed that Almagro should go to Chile,
for many bits of information about this prov-
ince were then in hand, and it was believed
that it would be as good a land as this one.
And they agreed between themselves under
oath to be friencls and not to act against one
another, for, should Almagro find in Chile no
land to settle in, he was to return and give
news of it to the Marquis, who would then
share his own governorship with him. This
being agreed upon, Don Diego de Almagro
made ready and with the troops of Don Pedro
de Alvarado and with certain [others] who were
already beginning to come to this land, he
put into effect his journey, and the day he
set out from Cuzco half of it burned down.
And so he went with his followers all through

296 Pedro Pizarro

the Collao, for these troops of Don Pedro de
Alvarado’s from Guatimala whom he took
with him were robbing and destroying wher-
ever they went, for they came from those
parts accustomed to do so, according to what
they themselves gave [us] to understand.
These were the first inventors of * * * *
which, in our common speech, means to rob.
And of those of us who came to the conquest
with the Marquis not one man would have
dared to take an ear of maize without per-
mission.

Almagro having gone to Chile, as I say, the
Marquis rebuilt Cuzco, creating more citi-
zens for it. 110 And leaving as lieutenant
governor his brother Joan Pizarro in the city
of Cuzco, he returned to the city of the Kings,
and Hernando de Soto at this juncture went
to Spain. Then, Don Diego de Almagro
having gone to Chile, as has been said, and
the Marquis having gone to the city of the
Kings, Mango Inga determined to rise in re-
bellion, and, entering into agreement with
the natives, they began to kill some of the

Relation 297

Christians who were going unprotected to
visit the Indians of their encomiendas. And
one night Mango Inga determined to leave
Cuzco and go away. Joan Pizarro was ad-
vised of this by the spies whom he had set,
because of being already suspicious on account
of the deaths of the Christians and the riots
[among] the people of Cuzco. On being ad-
vised of the flight of the Inga, Joan Pizarro
and fifty cavalrymen sprang to horse, and,
being informed as to where Mango Inga had
gone, they went galloping after him, and, with
the good luck which he [Joan Pizarro] had,
he came up with him three leagues from Cuzco,
near Molina [Muhyna, or Muyna] which is on
the Collao road, and he took him prisoner to
Cuzco. And if, at this juncture, this Indian
had not been taken, all of us Spaniards who
were in Cuzco would have died, because the
great part of the Christians had gone out to
see the Indians on their estates, because, up
to that time, none had done so, there being
but few Spaniards, and they not daring to go
out singly [into the country], and also because

298 Pedro Pizarro

of the quarrels between Joan Pizarro and Al-
magro. And at this time Don Diego de
Almagro went to Chile with so many troops
that it seemed to them [the Indians] that
everything was safe. And certainly Mango
Inga had chosen the best opportunity and
season for rising up, for Almagro was now far
off, and was now entering the deserts which
there are between this land and that of Chile,
and which are more than two hundred leagues
[wide] in some places. When Mango Inga
was made a prisoner in this manner and was
placed under guard, Hernando Pizarro, who
had gone from Caxamalca to Spain, bearing
the treasure of His Majesty, returned. When
he had arrived at the city of the Kings, the
Marquis sent him to Cuzco, giving him [high]
authority, but not taking away from his
brother Juan Pizarro the post of corregidor,
albeit he gave authority over him to Hernando
Pizarro. On arriving at Cuzco, Hernando
Pizarro endeavoured to make a friend of
Mango Inga; and thus he did, setting him at
liberty and flattering him, for it likewise

Relation 299

appeared to him [Hernando Pizarro] that,
with the number of troops he had brought
to Cuzco, and with those who had come
thither after the capture of this Indian, he
[Mango] would not dare to follow out his
evil plan of rising in rebellion. Having been
released, Mango Inga was at liberty some days,
at the end of which he asked permission of
Hernando Pizarro [to leave the city], saying
that he wished to go and bring a golden man
which was hidden in a certain place, and
Hernando Pizarro granted him leave. He
went, and at the end of eight days he brought
back an orejon made of hollow gold, and he
gave it to Hernando Pizarro. Then, after
some days, he again asked Hernando Pizarro
for permission [to leave the city], saying that
he wished to go in search of another Indian
made of solid gold, which he said was at
Yucay. And, the permission being granted
to him, he went and did not return before he
had begun to stir up the land and the Indians
and the orejones who had remained in Cuzco
and the mamaconas. All of these wept after
him. Mango Inga took refuge in the Andes,

300 Pedro Pizarro

which is a land of very lofty and rugged
mountains and very bad passes which it is
impossible for horses to enter. And thither
came many ore j on captains from all over the
land, in order that all the natives who could
take arms should gather together and should
lay siege to Cuzco and should kill all of us
Spaniards who were there. When Hernando
Pizarro learned that a force of warriours was
being assembled at Yucay, he ordered Joan
Pizarro his brother to go, with seventy cavalry-
men, to disperse the gathering there being
made, and after we went there [we saw] on
the other side of the very large river which
there is in this [valley of] Yucay some ten
thousand Indian warriours who believed that
we would not be able to cross the river.
Seeing this, Joan Pizarro ordered all of us to
throw ourselves into the river and swim across
it with our horses, and, with him doing so the
first, we all followed him, and thus we crossed
the river by swimming and attacked the In-
dian warriours and routed them, and the
Indians withdrew to some high peaks toward

Relation 301

the mountains where the horses could not
climb up. And while we were here for three
or four days, Hernando Pizarro sent to call
us with all speed, giving us to understand that
a great force of troops was marching upon
Cuzco, and so it was that, when we returned,
we found many squadrons of troops who were
continually arriving, and were camping in the
roughest spots around Cuzco, waiting for all
[their troops] to arrive, and when they had all
come they camped on the plains and the
heights. So numerous were the [Indian]
troops who came here that they covered the
fields, and by day it looked as if a black
cloth had been spread over the ground for
half a league around this city of Cuzco. At
night there were so many fires that it looked
like nothing other than a very serene sky full
of stars. There was so much shouting and
din of voices that all of us were astonished.
When all the troops who that Inga had
sent to assemble had arrived, it was under-
stood, and the Indians said, that there were
two hundred thousand of them who had come

302 Pedro Pizarro

to lay siege [to Cuzco]. When they were all
assembled, as I say, one morning they began
to set fire to all parts of Cuzco, and, by means
of this fire they were gaining many portions
of the town, making palisades in the streets
so that the Spaniards could not go out through
them. We Spaniards gathered together in
the plaza and in the houses adjoining it,
such as Hatuncancha. [I have already told
where the Spaniards were lodged when we
entered Cuzco for the first time], and here we
were all collected, and some were in tents in
the plaza, because the Indians had taken
and burned all the rest of the town. And,
in order to burn down these dwellings where,
as I say, we were, they made [use of] a strata-
gem which was that of taking several round
stones and of throwing them in the fire,where
they became red hot. Wrapping them up hi
cotton, they threw them by means of slings
into the houses which they could not reach
by means of throwing by hand, and thus they
burned our houses before we understood how.
At other times they shot flaming arrows at

Relation 303

the houses, which, as they were of straw, soon
took fire. While we were in this confusion,
Hernando Pizarro divided the troops into
three parties of cavalry, creating captains for
them. To Gonzalo Pizarro his brother he
gave one, to Grabiel de Rojas he gave another,
and to Hernando Ponce de Leon he gave the
other. These Indians had us so hard pressed
and in so much confusion that it is certain
that our Lord was pleased to deliver us by
his own hands, because [we would surely have
perished] on account of the many Indian war-
riours there were and on account of the small
number of us Spaniards, not even two hundred
all told, and of these only seventy or eighty
cavalrymen did the fighting, because the rest
were non-fighters and infantrymen, and these
last did but little, for the Indians hold them

in slight account, and it was certainly true
that an Indian could fight better than a
Spanish foot-soldier because the Indians are
very free [in their movements] and they shoot
at the Spaniards from a distance, and before
the Spaniards can come up with them, they

304 Pedro Pizarro

have dashed off to some other place than
that from which they fired the first shot and
so they [the Indians] wear them out, and the
Indians being so many they would kill them
[the Spaniards] by means of cudgels. But the
cavalry they feared greatly because they [the
cavalry] could catch up with them and kill
them as they swept by. Our Lord displayed
to us his mercy in liberating us from so many
foes and from such an evil land in order to
enable us to avail ourselves of them. Her-
nando Pizarro agreed, therefore, [not to use]
the infantry [much], making use [instead] of
the cavalry for this business, because the
greater part of the infantry were thin and
debilitated men. He ordered that they [the
infantry?] should go by night with some
leaders who were named for the purpose, and
who were Pedro del Barco, Diego Mendez and
Villacastin, to throw down the palisades which
the Indians were building by day and, with
some friendly Indians, some fifty or sixty
Canares, who had remained in the service of
the Spaniards and were enemies of Mango Inga

Relation 305

on account of having been men of Quizquiz, to
break down some terraces, so that by day the
cavalry might sally forth to fight; all this
was of but slight avail at that time.

This city of Cuzco is founded in a hollow
between two ravines through which, when it
rains, run two brooks of but little water, and
when it does not rain, the one which passes
by the plaza carries but little water, and it
always runs through some strips of plains
which there are between the hills and Cuzco.
All the andenes were of cut stone in the place
where it would be possible to throw them
down, some of them being an estado high,
others more, others less. Some of them have
at intervals stones projecting from the stone-
work of the anden, a braza or less [apart]
in the manner of a ladder by which they went
up and came down. This arrangement they
had on these andenes because on all of them
they sowed maize. And in order that the
water might not destroy them they had them
thus surrounded by stone [walls] as great as
the amount of earth required. This Cuzco

306 Pedro Pizarro

is overhung by a hill on the side where the
fortress is, and on this side the Indians came
down [from the fortress] to [a spot] near the
plaza which belonged to Gonzalo Pizarro and
Joan Pizarro his brother, and from here they
did us much harm, for with slings they hurled
stones into the plaza [of Cuzco] without our
being able to prevent it. This place being
steep, as I say, [and being accessible only]
through a narrow lane which the Indians had
seized, so that it was not possible to go up
through it without all those who entered it
being killed, and while we were thus in a
sufficiency of uneasiness, for certainly there
was much din on account of the loud cries
and alarums which they gave and the trum-
pets and flutes 1U which they sounded, so
that it seemed as if the very earth trembled,
Hernando Pizarro and his captains assembled
many times to discuss what they should do,
and some said that we ought to desert the
town and leave it in flight; others said that
we ought to establish ourselves in Hatun-
cancha, which was a great enclosure where

Relation 307

we might all be, and which, as I have already
said, had but one doorway and a very high
wall of stone masonry. And none of this
advice was good, for had we sallied from
Cuzco, they would have killed all of us in
the bad passes and mountain fastnesses which
there are, and had we taken refuge in the en-
closure, they would have imprisoned us with
adobes and stones because of the many
troops which there were. So Hernando
Pizarro was never in agreement, and he re-
plied to them .that we would all have to give
up our lives and that we must not desert
Cuzco. These consultations were attended
by Hernando Pizarro and his brothers, by
Grabiel de Rojas, Hernan Ponce de Leon and
the treasurer Riquelme. Then, after they
had had several meetings, Hernando Pizarro
agreed that [an effort] to go and capture the
fortress [should be made], for it was from there
that we received the most harm, as I have
said, because at the very beginning an agree-
ment was not reached to take it before the
Indians laid siege, nor was the importance of

308 Pedro Pizarro

holding it realized. This being agreed upon,
a task was set us, and we of the cavalry were
ordered to make ready with our arms to go
and take it [the fortress], and Joan Pizarro
his brother he [Hernando Pizarro] ordered to
go as leader, and he gave the same orders to
the other captains already mentioned. Her-
nando Pizarro remained in Cuzco with the
infantry, all collected together where he
ordered them to be. Then, a day before this
sally, it befell that they [the Indians] shot a
big stone from an anden, and it hit a soldier
named Pedro del Barco, striking him on the
head so that he fell upon the ground uncon-
scious, and, seeing it, Joan Pizarro who was
nearby, rushed to aid him, and then he was
hit in the jaw by a large stone by which he
was injured. I have wished to tell this in
order [to explain] what I shall relate further
on, concerning him. All the cavalry having
set out, as I say, in order to take the fortress,
taking Joan Pizarro as chief of all of them, we
went up through Carmenga, a very narrow
road, bordered on one side by a declivity and

Relation 309

on the other by a gully, deep in some places,
and from this gully they did us much harm
with stones and arrows, and they had broken
down the road in some places and had made
many holes in it. We went by this way and
with much toil, for we kept stopping while
the few friendly Indians, not even one hun-
dred, whom we had with us filled up the holes
and covered the road with adobes. Having
climbed, with a sufficiency of hard work, up
to a small flat place, where I said that they
gave us the guacavara [battle] when we first
entered Cuzco, and from there we went around
some small hills and bad places in order to go
and capture the flat part of the fortress where
the principal gateway and entrance is, and
in these little gullies we had encounters with
the Indians, for they had almost captured two
Spaniards who had fallen from their horses.
When we arrived at the plain and gateway
by which we were to enter, it was so well
barricaded and so strong that, although we
twice tried to enter, they forced us to retreat,
wounding some horses, and so the captains

310 Pedro Pizarro

agreed to wait until midnight in order to
attack them, because at that hour the Indians
are somnolent and half asleep. To go back
now to Hernando Pizarro, who remained in
Cuzco. The Indians came out into the streets
and entered the houses, because they believed
that we were deserting the city. At another
place they saw that Hernando Pizarro and
the infantry were all together. They could
not understand what was being done, and so
they were astonished until they saw us attack
the fortress from one side, and then they
understood what we were doing. And it is
certain that if the Indians had fallen upon the
truth sooner, and that if God our Lord had
nx>t blinded them, they would have been able
to slay very well Joan Pizarro and those who
were with him before we could have returned
to succour them. While Joan Pizarro and
those of us who were with him were awaiting
the coming of night, it grew dark, and Joan
Pizarro ordered his brother Gonzalo Pizarro
and the other captains to enter [the fortress]
with half of the cavalry, whom he ordered to

Relation 311

alight, and [he commanded] the others to be
on horseback ready to aid them, and Joan
Pizarro remained with the mounted men,
because he was not able to put armour upon
his head, it being torn by the wound which
he had received on his jaw, as I said, on the
day they attacked him. Then, entering [the
fortress], those who were going afoot began
to throw down very slowly the first gateway
which was barricaded with a wall of dry
stone, and when it was taken down they began
to go forward up a narrow path. And on
arriving at the barricade of the other wall,
they were perceived by the Indians, and these
began to throw so many stones that the ground
was torn up, and this caused the Spaniards
to grow cool [to their task] and they desisted
and did not press forward. While things were
thus, a Spaniard cried out to Joan Pizarro,
saying that the Spaniards were retreating and
were fleeing. Hearing this cry, Joan Pizarro
placed a shield upon his arm and hurled him-
self into the fortress, ordering us who were
mounted to follow him, and so we did, and

312 Pedro Pizarro

with the arrival of Joan Pizarro and the
mounted men at the second barricade and
gateway, it was won, and we entered as far
as a courtyard which is in the fortress.
Then, from a terrace which is on one side of
this courtyard, they showered us with so many
stones and arrows that we could avail our-
selves naught, and for this reason Joan Pizarro
incited some infantrymen toward the terrace
which I mention, which was low, so that some
Spaniards might get up on it and drive the
Indians from there. And while he was fight-
ing with these Indians in order to drive them
away, Joan Pizarro neglected to cover his
head with his shield, and one of the many
stones which they were hurling hit him on
the head and broke his skull, and inside of a
fortnight he died of this wound. Even
though thus wounded, he was fighting with
the Indians until this terrace was won, and
when it was gained, they took him down to
Cuzco by the road which, as I have said,
goes down to Cuzco and is short and very
steep, and from whence they did us harm

Relation 313

and now the Indians had left it, and by that
road they took Joan Pizarro down to where
Hernando Pizarro was. On learning the
disaster which had befallen his brother and
of the state in which the capture of the for-
tress was left, he [Hernando Pizarro] soon went
up there, leaving Grabiel de Rojas [in charge]
in Cuzco. When Hernando Pizarro arrived
[at the fortress] it had already dawned, and
we were all of this day and the next fighting
with the Indians who had collected together
on the two topjnost levels, which could only
be gained by means of thirst, awaiting the
time when their water should give out, and
so it happened that we were here two or three
days until their water came to an end, and
when it had given out, they hurled themselves
from the highest walls, some in order to flee,
and others in order to kill themselves, and
others surrendered, and in this way they began
to lose courage, and so was gained one level.
And we arrived at the last level [which] had
as its captain an ore j on so valiant that the
same might be written of him as has been

314 Pedro Pizarro

written of some Romans. This orejon bore
a shield upon his arms and a sword in his hand
and a cudgel in the shield-hand and a morion
upon his head. These arms this man had
taken from the Spaniards who had perished
upon the roads, as well as many others which
the Indians had in their possession. This
orejon, then, marched like a lion from one
end to another of the highest level of all,
preventing the Spaniards who wished to
mount with ladders from doing so, and killing
the Indians who surrendered, for I understand
that he killed more than thirty Indians be-
cause they [tried] to surrender and to glide
down from the level, and he attacked them
with blows upon the head from the cudgel
which he carried in his hand. Whenever one
of his men warned him that some Spaniard
was climbing up in some place, he rushed at
him like a lion, with his sword and grasping
his shield. Seeing this, Hernando Pizarro
commanded that three or four ladders be
set up, so that while he was rushing to one
point, they might climb up at another, for

Relation 315

the Indians which this orejon had with him
were all now either surrendered or lacking in
courage, and it was he alone who was fighting.
And Hernando Pizarro ordered those Span-
iards who climbed up not to kill this Indian
but to take him alive, swearing that he would
not kill him if he had him alive. Then,
climbing up at two or three places, the Span-
iards won the level. This orejon, perceiving
that they had conquered him and had taken
his stronghold at two or three points, threw
down his arms*, covered his head and face
with his mantle and threw himself down from
the level to a spot more than one hundred
estados below, where he was shattered. Her-
nando Pizarro was much grieved that they
had not taken him alive. Having won this
fortress, Hernando Pizarro stationed here
fifty infantrymen with a captain named Joan
Ortiz, a native of Toledo, providing them
with many vessels in which they had water
and food, and fortifying the part where they
were to be. And he left them some cross-
bows and arquebuses, and we went down to

316 Pedro Pizarro

Cuzco. And the taking of the fortress was
the reason why the Indians withdrew a little,
giving up the part of the city which they had
gained. In this manner we were on the alert
during more than two months, tearing down
some andenes by night so that the horsemen
might go up by that route, because the Indians
always withdrew at night to the strongest and
most secure place, and this withdrawal was
always to some strong andenes.

Now I shall relate certain things which befell
at this time. When Grabiel de Rojas was
going out toward his dwelling, which was to-
ward Andesuyos, at the exit from the town
he received an arrow wound on the nose, and
the arrow went as far in as the palate, and
the Indians threw down upon Alonso de
Toro and others who were going with him
up a street toward the fortress so many stones
and adobes from the walls, so that they dis-
lodged them from their horses and half cov-
ered them up, and it was necessary to call
the friendly Indians in order that they might
be helped to crawl out half dead. While

Relation 317

Pedro Pizarro was mounting guard on a large
anden, so that the Indians should not go for-
ward, with two companions from the morn-
ing until mid-day, which was the arrange-
ment that had been made, Hernan Ponce de
Leon, who was his captain, came to rest and
eat, and he [Pedro Pizarro] advanced to meet
him as he was approaching his post, and he
asked him to dismount there and there eat,
and to send his horse to rest, taking another
belonging to Alonso de Mesa, who was sick,
and then return to mount guard, for he
[Ponce de Leon] had no one else to send.
Pedro Pizarro did so and, eating some mouth-
fuls of food, he took the horse of Alonso de
Mesa and returned to a large anden which
was an arquebuse-shot in length where he
found one Maldonado, who was he who
allotted the watches, and one Juan Clemente
and one Francisco de la Puente. And when
they saw him return they asked him how it
was that he did so. When he told them the
reason, Maldonado said: You stay here with
these two gentlemen, because I wish to go and

318 Pedro Pizarro

eat and set the guards. This Maldonado was
he whom Gonzalo Pizarro sent as messenger
to His Majesty when he was in revolt. While
they were in this talk about Maldonado’s
desire to go off, the Indian warriours drew
near to them, and Maldonado attacked them
with the others before Pizarro could come down
from the anden whence he had been talking
with them [Maldonado, etc.], and not seeing
some great hollows which they [the Indians]
had covered over beforehand, Maldonado fell
into one with his horse, and Pedro Pizarro
dashed after the Indians by some paths which
they left between the holes, resisting the
Indians and driving them away, and this gave
Maldonado and his horse a chance to come
out of the hole much injured and go to Cuzco.
Then Pedro Pizarro and Juan Clemente re-
mained in the said strong places, and the
Indians drew very near, making mock of
them. While this was going on, Pedro Pizarro
said to his two companions: Let us drive off
these Indians and catch up with some of
them, for the holes lie behind us. But they

Relation 319

had not seen some other small ones which
were placed in the end of the anden so that
the horses should put their feet into them and
fall down. And, spurting toward the Indians,
all three dashed out, attacking them with
lances. And from the middle of the anden
the two companions returned to their post,
but Pedro Pizarro impetuously went on lanc-
ing the Indians until [he came to] the end of
the anden. And when he wished to wheel
about, his horse put his feet in some small
holes and fell, throwing Pedro Pizarro. See-
ing this, the Indians dashed up to him, and
one Indian came and took the horse by the
reins and led him off. Then, raising himself,
Pedro Pizarro made for the Indian who was
taking away the horse and he gave him a stab
in the breast which hurled him dead upon the
ground. The horse being thus freed, the
Indians threw many stones at him, and he
began to flee, and he fled to the place where
the other two [Spaniards] were. Then the
Indians surrounded Pedro Pizarro with many
slings, giving him many blows with stones

320 Pedro Pizarro

and lances. And Pedro Pizarro defended him-
self with a shield which he grasped and with
a sword in his hand, making thrusts to one
side or another at the Indians who drew near
to him, killing and wounding some of them.
When the two companions saw the free horse
without its master, they hastened to aid him,
and when they came to where Pedro Pizarro
was fighting, they dashed through the Indians
and placed him [Pizarro] between the two
horses, telling him to seize the stirrups, and
they took him at full speed for a distance [he
running between the horses]. But the Indians
who clung around were so numerous that il
was all of no avail, and Pedro Pizarro, on
account of his many arms and the weariness
of fighting, could not now run, and he told
his companions to stop for he was being
throttled and that he preferred to die fight-
ing than by being choked to death. And so
he stopped and turned to fight with the
Indians, and those on horseback did the same
on their part, and they could not drive them
[the Indians] off because they were very san-

Relation 321

guine, and believing that they [the Indians]
had taken him [Pedro Pizarro] prisoner, they
gave a great shout, all of them, from every
side, which it was their wont to do when they
took a Spaniard or a horse prisoner. Hearing
this shout, Grabiel de Rojas, who was return-
ing to his quarters with ten cavalrymen,
looked in the direction where he saw the dis-
turbance and the fighting, and he hastened
thither with his men, and by his arrival
Pedro Pizarro was rescued, albeit much tor-
mented by the* blows which they had given him
with stones and lances. And so Pedro Pizarro
freed himself and his horse, our Lord God aid-
ing him, and giving him the strength to fight
and to support the toil. To another man,
Garci Martin, they gave a blow in the eye
with a stone which spoiled the eye. The
Indians took away the horse of one Cisneros
who had dismounted and was losing courage,
and the Indians came up, took away his horse
and then cut off his [Cisneros’] hands and feet.
A good soldier named Joan Vasquez de Osuna
placed Cisneros across his horse, for he never

322 Pedro Pizarro

could have mounted, not having the vigour,
and thus we got him out from among the
Indians. Mancio Serra, while going up a
rather steep slope, was careless and fell off
his horse, and the Indians came up and took
him and cut off his hands and feet, for this is
what the Indians did to all the horsemen whom
they took. One day, while these things were
going on, a company of Indians again appeared
above Carmenga, and when some cavalrymen
went out to meet them, they threw at them a
sack containing the dried heads of seven Span-
iards and many letters, and one of our Indians
took it, thinking it was something else, and
they found these heads of Spaniards, as I say,
and [with them] the joyful news which came
to this land of the taking of la Goleta and
Tunez. 112 The Inga did this by the advice
of a Spaniard whom he held prisoner and who
told him that the heads of the dead men
would give us much sorrow. The Spaniard
did this so that we might have the joyful
news. It is understood that, in this uprising
of Mango Inga, more than three hundred

Relation 323

Spaniards died along the roads and in the
towns, together with a few captains whom
the Marquis sent to Cuzco with a few troops,
such men as one captain Gaete [who died]
in Xauxa, and a Diego Pizarro whom they
killed there with the soldiers he was leading.

Now I shall relate a miracle which befell in
Cuzco and by which the Indians were much
dismayed. It happened that the Indians
wished to set fire to the church, for they said
that if they burned it, they would kill us
all. It befell that the stone or arrow which
should have set fire to the church, as I have
already said, the church took fire and began
to burn, for it was of straw, and, though no
one put this fire out, it extinguished itself, and
many of us saw it, for thus it was. And see-
ing this, many of the Indians were dismayed;
and, as their food was running short, for the
siege was now at the end of its fourth month,
the Indians began to go away and to drop
out [of the fight] and to go home to their
lands, nor were their captains able to detain
them, and [they did so] also because the time

324 Pedro Pizarro

for sowing the crops was at hand. And we
learned afterwards that a captain named Gual-
paroca who was in the fortress came out with
his men, and Mango Inga sent him to the city
of the Kings in order to find out if the Span-
iards who were there with the Marquis could
be killed, telling him that if he killed them, he
[Mango] would put an end to us by means of
hunger and the evil passes [in the countryside].
And so, having gone to Lima, they say that
they laid siege to it, and some Indians were
engaged upon it. And as [the land around
Lima] was yungas, 113 and a bad land for
mountaineers, they were there but a few days,
and, seeing that they could [do no harm to]
the Spaniards, they returned to the highlands.
From the time when they laid siege to the
time when the fortress was taken something
more than a month passed by, and in this
interval the greatest torment and risk were
supported. And when they attacked us from
all sides and set fire [to the houses] we placed
two Spaniards in the straw of the houses where
we were so that they would not burn us up.

Relation 325

These two Spaniards did not hide themselves,
believing that the Indians had already con-
quered us. Hernando Pizarro affronted one
of these men, and he wished to hang the
other, but [yielding to] demands, he desisted.
Another Spaniard fled from us to the Indians,
and they carried him to where Mango Inga
was, which was in Tambo, and this man, as
well as one Francisco Martin whom the Inga
had with him and whom they had taken
prisoner upon the road, the Inga kept with
him, placing a guard over them, and did not
kill them. And they believed whatever this
Francisco Martin said and asked. Between
the time when we took the fortress and the
time when the Indians began to go away to
their own lands, there passed by three months,
and this interval having elapsed they with-
drew to some high hills, and this state con-
tinued until, after another month, they went
off to sow their crops, which makes the four
months I mention. Finally all were gone,
and the ore jones and some warriours gathered
together at Tambo where the Inga had forti-

326 Pedro Pizarro

fied himself, awaiting the passing of winter
and the [harvesting of the] crops of the
Indians. They said they were going to lay
siege [to Cuzco] again. This Tambo is down
the river from Yucay, in the direction of the
Andes, for there is another Tambo in Con-
desuyo, as I have said, of which place the
Ingas, Lords of this land, were natives, for
thus they say themselves. 114

Matters being in this state, Hernando Pi-
zarro agreed to send fifteen cavalrymen with
a captain who was to go out by way of the
Canches one night in order to go and inform
the Marquis that we were still alive and [ask
him to] send us aid. Having made ready
fifteen men, whose names I shall tell here for
they were the best horsemen and the strongest
in war which there were, it was learned that if
they went forth the people of Cuzco would be
in peril for two reasons: The chief one was
that [their going] would create a great weak-
ness in [our powers] of sustaining the war, and
the other was that if the Indians killed them,
as there was great risk that they do upon the

Relation 327

road unless our Lord wished them to escape,
the Indians would be re-invigourated and would
take more courage in order to kill those who
remained in Cuzco. Being in readiness and all
prepared to set forth, Don Alonso Enriquez 115
and the treasurer Riquelme met together with
other chief men, and they made a petition to
Hernando Pizarro that he send them not, for
if he did send them, Cuzco would be lost and
His Majesty would be ill served, for they were
the flower of those who were in readiness to
go. I shall tell here the names of those of
us who were in readiness to set forth: Juan
de Pancorbo, Alonso de Mesa, Valdivieso,
Pedro Pizarro, Hernando de Aldana, Alonso
de Toro, Juan Jullio, Cardenas, Escastenda,
Miguel Cornejo, Solar, Tomas Vasquez, Joan
Roman, Figueroa, Villafuerte. And certainly
Don Alonso Enriquez and the treasurer
Riquelme and others who opposed the going
forth of these men were right, because many
of them bore the brunt of the war and the
defense of Cuzco. Having heard the petition,
Hernando Pizarro changed his opinion, per-

38 Pedro Pizarro

ceiving that what they asked was well con-
sidered. So we remained some days, carry-
ing on the war until the Indian warriours
left us, as I have said. While matters were
as I describe them, we lacked for food, espe-
cially for meat. Hernando Pizarro decided,
therefore, that Grabiel de Rojas should go
forth with sixty men toward Gomacanche, a
province which is thirteen or fourteen leagues
from Cuzco in the direction of the Collao,
and [he ordered him] not to go further away
and to search among these Canches for some
cattle and foodstuffs and, finding it, to return
with it speedily. Having made ready, Rojas
and those of us who were to go with him, set
forth and thither we went, and we were there
about twenty-five or thirty days, and we col-
lected as many as two thousand head of cattle,
and we returned to Cuzco with them without
any untoward events. The Indians assembled
upon the very high hills, and thence they
yelled at us when we could not attack them.
When we had returned to Cuzco and had
rested for some days, we again made ready so

Relation 329

that we might go out with Hernan Ponce de
Leon, and we went to Condesuyo to burn
some villages and punish the folk whom we
found there and to gather some food together,
because in this Condesuyo it was that the first
Christians were killed. They [the Indians]
sent to summon one Simon Xuarez who had
Indians there, and other [Spaniards] telling
them that [if] they would go to see their
villages they [the Indians] would give them
tribute, and by means of this deceit they killed
ten Spaniards, and in order to punish them for
this and to bring back some food we went
with this captain already mentioned, and we
were there some days, although no people
could be found on whom to inflict punishment.
Collecting some food, we returned.

While we were in this Condesuyo, the Inga
caused troops to gather at Xaquixaguana and
in Chinchero, which is four leagues from Cuzco
toward the place where he was. Hernando
Pizarro learned this from some scouts whom
they kept sending to reconnoitre in the coun-
try, and he sent [orders] to his brother Gon-

330 Pedro Pizarro

zalo Pizarro to attack them before they should
finish assembling and should come to Cuzco.
Gonzalo Pizarro set forth and attacked a part
of the [Indian] troops who were in the region
of Chinchero, where he overtook some Indians
and routed them, and, returning by way of
Xaquixaguana, he found a great body of
troops assembled, and, dashing on to fight
with them they [the Indians] constrained
them to retreat to Cuzco, and the Indians gave
chase and wore them out so much that they
[the Indians] even laid hands upon the tails
of the horses. And while they were thus com-
ing [toward Cuzco] greatly fatigued and in
grave danger, some friendly yanaconas came
fleeing to give warning to Hernando Pizarro
and to tell him of the grave peril in which his
brother was. Hearing this, Hernando Pizarro
ordered that all the bells should ring out in
order that all the troops might assemble, and,
having gathered together some cavalry, he
went off with them to aid his brother and
those who were with him, and both trotting
and galloping he went more than a league

Relation 331

outside of Cuzco where he saw the Spaniards
who were now in great danger for the horses
could no longer run, but were coming instead
very slowly, and Indians were hastening up
from all directions. Then, Hernando Pizarro
and those who were with him spurring their
horses, they came to where they were, and
with their arrival the Indians lost courage
and dropped back, for they were hanging to
the tails of the horses, as I say, and fighting
with the Christians. And with this help those
who were coming worn out took heart, and all
together they returned to Cuzco. Here we
were like all to be lost, for, Hernan Ponce
having returned, as I say, we were all resting
and were making ready to go to Tambo where
the Inga had fortified himself, in order to
drive him thence, because as he was there
near the assemblies of troops, he sent them,
from time to time, to Cuzco and its neighbour-
hood in order to prevent [our using] the pas-
tures.

All having been made ready, as has been
said, we set forth for Tambo, leaving Grabiel

332 Pedro Pizarro

de Rojas in Cuzco with the weakest troops,
and when we were arrived we found Tambo
so well fortified that it was a grim sight, for
the place where Tambo is is very strong, and
[it has] very high andenes of very large
masonry walls, well fortified. It has but one
entrance, and that is over against a very steep
hill. And on all parts of it were many war-
riours with many large stones which they
kept above in order to hurl them down when-
ever the Spaniards wished to enter and cap-
ture the gate. The doorway was high, with
lofty walls on either side, and it was well
stopped up with stone and mud in the form
of a very thick wall of stone and mud with
only a hole through which an Indian might
enter on all fours. At another place near this
village of Tambo the river of Yucay which
there is large, runs very narrow and deep,
and likewise, on that side, they have many
very high andenes, very steep and strong.
Then, before this Tambo, there is a tiny plain
which is formed in front of the gate which I
have mentioned, and this plain is near the

Relation 333

river already mentioned. Having crossed the
river we took this plain, but when we wished
to attack the gate, so many were the boulders
and stones which they threw down at us that,
even had there been many more Spaniards
than there were of us, they would have slain
us all. They killed one of our horses and
wounded some Spaniards. With this event
which overtook us, the [Indian] troops began to
throw [stones?] down from a very steep hill
which resembled nothing else than a very
thick ant-hill. When we made two or three
attempts to take this village, just so often did
they turn and injure us by hand. Thus we
continued all day until sunset. The Indians,
without our knowing of it [beforehand] turned
the river into the plain where we were, and,
had we waited a longer time, we would all have
perished. When we understood the trick
which the Indians played upon us and that it
was impossible to take this village at that
time, Hernando Pizarro ordered us to retreat.
And in the darkening night he sent all the
foot-soldiers ahead and the luggage with some

334 Pedro Pizarro

mounted troops who were of his guard next,
and he himself with other mounted troops
took the middle, and he ordered Gonzalo
Pizarro his brother with a few more of us
cavalrymen to take the rearguard, and in this
formation we withdrew. And at the passage
across the river the Indians attacked us with
so much fury and with flaming axes which
they carried that they killed some of the
friendly Indians in our service without our
being able to succour them. These Indians
have a trait of character which makes them
demons for following up a victory, and when
they flee they are wet hens. And, seeing us
retreat, they were here following up a victory,
and they followed it up with much spirit.
This night we retired to a village which is
called Maray, a deserted place which is in
the heights above the descent into this valley
of Yucay, and from there all is flat country to
the entrance to Cuzco. Returning thus shat-
tered to Cuzco, as I say, it was ever in order
to have six or eight horsemen out scouting
the country. Then, on coming one day

Relation 335

toward Xaquixaguana in order to capture
some Indians in order to know what they were
doing, Gonzalo Pizarro, with six horsemen
who were Pedro Pizarro, Alonso de Toro,
Narvaez, Beltran del Conde, Cardenas, Joan
Lopez, it happened that a thousand Indian
warriours crossed a plain from one range of
mountains to the other, from Circa to Llaexa,
just before reaching Xaquixaguana. When
we saw them going through the plains we
spurred our horses and caught up with them
just as they were beginning to climb a hill
where is the village called Circa. And catch-
ing them on the slope which they were climb-
ing, we drove them all down on to the plain,
and of the thousand Indians who, they say,
were there only a few more than one hundred
escaped. Some of them we killed, and some
of them we took prisoners to Cuzco, and in
Cuzco Hernando Pizarro ordered that their
right hands be cut off, after which they were
to go away. This the Indians said, for it
[the hand-cutting] had placed great fear among
them, and they did not dare now to come to

336 Pedro Pizarro

the plains. Then after some days had gone
by, maize ran short, and Hernando Pizarro
ordered his brother Gonzalo to go to Xaquixa-
guana with thirty cavalrymen and to stay
there sheltering the friendly Indians who were
to go [with him] in search of food [for in this
Xaquixaguana there was much maize] and
[he was ordered] to send each day six cavalry-
men who were to go two leagues protecting
the Indians who were bringing the food, and
from Cuzco six other horsemen were to go
forth for two leagues or until those coming
from one direction should see those coming
from another, and thus they proceeded until
sunset, when some withdrew to Cuzco and
others to Xaquixaguana. This order was
given in order to protect the friendly Indians
who were going and coming for food. It befell
one day when six of us had set forth upon
this vexatious guard duty, which was com-
mon in this land later on, Lucas Martinez,
Cardenas, Miguel Cornejo, Juan Flores,
Pedro Pizarro. When we had mounted guard
near a gully where Machicao later built his

Relation 337

mill, and when we had mounted in order to
go forward two by two, Miguel Cornejo and
Pedro Pizarro were the two last. While we
were thus journeying we heard the friendly
Indians cry out, saying: Aucas, aucas, which
means in their language: Indian warriours.
We all turned our faces to see what was for-
ward, and we did not see the Indians because
they were coming through the ravine, hidden
between two hills. And, as we saw nothing,
we believed that our friends were doing thus
in order to spur one another on. We turned
to journey onwards slowly and we had not
gone ten paces when we heard the Indian
warriours fighting with our friends, striking
them upon the heads with clubs, which killed
them. And at once we turned back at full
speed, for it was upon a plain that this befell,
and though we arrived speedily, we could not
get more than two or three Indians, one of
whom Miguel Cornejo slew and another Pedro
Pizarro, and a third was trampled under foot
and was killed by Pedro de Hinojosa. And all
the rest climbed up some hills, because there

338 Pedro Pizarro

they were in good luck, for we could do them
no more harm, and so we returned to Cuzco.

When we were in great anxiety at the be-
ginning of the siege, we always kept watch,
I should say every night. And [even] in the
intervals of our repose we were armed and
our horses were saddled and bridled, for the
noise made by the Indians was so great that
if one were not very tired he was not able to
sleep. The rest of the time, until the In-
dians went away, we kept watch in our rooms.
When they had gone we watched on alter-
nate nights. This lasted for some six months,
until Almagro returned from Chile, as I shall
relate further on.

Now I wish to tell who the Marquis Don
Francisco Pizarro and his brothers, and Don
Diego de Almagro, were and what was their
condition. Also I shall tell the names and
lands of some of these conquerors whom I
have mentioned, as many as I shall remember.
The Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro was a son
of Gonzalo Pizarro the One-eyed, a captain
of men-at-arms and a native of Trujillo. He

Relation 339

[Francisco Pizarro] was a very Christian man,
and very zealous in the service of His Majesty.
He was tall and spare, having a good face and
a thin beard. Personally he was valiant and
vigourous, a truthful man. It was his custom
whenever anyone asked him for anything
always to say No. He said this in order that
he might not fail to keep his word. And,
though he said no, he always did in the end
what was asked of him, if there were not reason
against it. One morning a conqueror was
waiting for him at the door of his dwelling,
to ask him for [an encomienda of] Indians
which was at Guaitara, and who afterwards
belonged to Cardenas, a citizen of Guamanga.
The Marquis was accustomed to arise an hour
before dawn. This conqueror, whose name
I do not recall, was waiting for him, and the
Marquis went out intoXauxafrom his dwelling
in order to go to that of his secretary Pero
Sancho. This fellow came up to the Marquis
and said to him : Lord, will not your Lordship
give me food? The Marquis replied: I tell
you I do not wish to; did you not hear a

340 Pedro Pizarro

proclamation which was made? Why then
do you not settle down, then food would have
been given to you. This man then said to
him: Lord, I wished to go to Castille, and for
that reason I did not settle, and now I have
failed to go. The Marquis turned to say to
him: I tell you I do not wish to, for I have
nothing to give you. The man said to him:
Will not your Lordship give me Guaitara?
Again he replied: I tell you that I do not wish
to do so. These words were exchanged while
they were walking, and before arriving at his
secretary’s dwelling, he turned to the man
who made the request and said to him: Tell
me, is that Guaitara granted? The man
replied: No, my Lord. The Marquis an-
swered: Take it, and go so that they may give
you the deposit. I have wished to tell this
in order that his goodness might be under-
stood. Don Diego de Almagro was the
opposite, for he said yes to all and fulfilled
his word with very few. This Don Diego
de Almagro never was found in debt. He
said he came from Almagro. He was a very

Relation 341

profane man of very bad language, and when
he was angered he treated very badly those
who were with him, even though they were
gentlemen, and for this reason the Marquis
did not entrust him with troops, for they
went with him very unwillingly. This Al-
magro was well made, valiant in war, and a
spendthrift, although he did but few favours,
and those he did were profane and not done
to those who served him.

The Marquis brought with him his three
brothers, Hernando Pizarro, Joan Pizarro
and Gonzalo Pizarro. Hernando Pizarro was
a man of very good stature, valiant, wise and
brave, albeit a heavy man in the saddle.
Joan Pizarro was valiant and very courageous,
a good fellow, magnanimous and affable.
Gonzalo Pizarro was valiant, but he knew
little; he had a good countenance and a fine
beard; he was a compact man, not large, and
a very good cavalryman. Hernando de Soto
was a small man, dexterous in Indian war-
fare and affable with the soldiers. They say
that this Soto was a native of Badajoz. It

342 Pedro Pizarro

was he who went later to Florida as governor.
Grabiel de Rojas was a very prudent man in
war; he had a good person. They said that
he was of the good Rojas family. Hernan
Ponce de Leon was a well disposed man, cau-
tious, and not a cavalryman. He was looked
upon as a gentleman and was well educated.
Joan de Pancorbo was a good soldier; he is a
citizen of Cuzco and a native of Pancorbo.
Alonso de Mesa was a good soldier; he is a
citizen of Cuzco and a native of Toledo.
Valdivieso was a good soldier and a very good
man in war; he was regarded as a gentleman
and was a citizen of Cuzco and a native of
Toro. Pedro Pizarro was a man in the war
and a very good cavalryman. The Marquis
Don Francisco Pizarro took him [to Peru] at
the age of fifteen years as his page, and he
was eighteen when he began to take part in
warfare. He distinguished himself in some
things. He was of the good Pizarro family of
Estremadura. This Pedro Pizarro was born
in Toledo; he was a citizen of Xauxa, later of
Cuzco, and now of Arequipa. Hernando de

Relation 343

Aldana was a good man in war; he was a citi-
zen of Cuzco and was regarded as a gentle-
man. Alonso de Toro was a good man in war;
he was a citizen of Cuzco and a native of
Trujillo. He was regarded as a gentleman.
Juan Jullio was a good man in war; he was a
citizen of Cuzco and was looked upon as a
gentleman. Cardenas was a good horseman
and a good man in war; he was a citizen of
Guamanga. Castenda was a good cavalry-
man and a good man in war; they said that
he was from the Condado; he had Indians.
Miguel Cornejo was a good man on horseback
and in war; he was a citizen of Cuzco and
afterwards of Arequipa; he was from Sala-
manca. Solar was a good man in war and
on horseback; he was a citizen of Cuzco.
Tomas Vazquez was a good man on horseback
and a good man in war; he was a citizen of
Cuzco. They said that he was from the
Condado. Juan Roman was a good cavalry-
man and a good man in war; he was a citi-
zen of Cuzco. Figueroa was a good man on
horseback and in war; he was a citizen of

344 Pedro Pizarro

Cuzco. Villafuerte was a good man in war;
he was a citizen of Cuzco and afterwards of
Arequipa. Of many others I might speak,
but shall not do so for fear of prolixity. I
have mentioned these because they were
men distinguished in the war and by some
grave peril, such as going from Cuzco to Lima
when the land was all in revolt and the roads
destroyed. In this siege of Cuzco there were
seventy men distinguished in the war, and Her-
nando Pizarro had a proverb to the effect that
with them he would dare to attack three times
as many. Of these seventy they selected
fifteen, and of these fifteen three are alive
today: Pedro Pizarro, citizen of Arequipa;
Joan de Pancorbo and Alonso de Mesa, citi-
zens of Cuzco.

Now I shall return to the war. While we
were in Cuzco, as I have said, six horsemen
went out every week to scout the country and
find out if aid were coming from Lima. One
day when he was out with six horsemen,
Gonzalo Pizarro captured two Indians from
whom we had the news that Don Diego de

Relation 845

Almagro was returning from Chile with all the
troops he had taken with him, and it should
not have been so, for, with his return, he set
aflame this kingdom, and it was the beginning

of the battles which have taken place therein,
and [he was the] cause of the great number of
pretenders, with such scant merits, as most
pretenders are, and many of them hold, as the
result of these battles, the best portions of the
land. And the unfortunate men who con-
quered it [possess] the least valuable and most
miserable portions [of the land], as I shall relate
in part further on, together with the cause of
it. We learned from these two Indians that
there was in Xauxa a captain with soldiers,
who afterwards transpired to be Alonso de
Alvarado. He had set out from Lima in order
to bring aid to Cuzco, and, at the request of
Picado the secretary, who made him a captain,
taking that office away from Pedro de Lerma,
for it had been agreed that Alonso de Alvarado,
who was in Chachapoyas, should come to
Xauxa, he promised Picado that he would
not set forth from Xauxa without leaving the

346 Pedro Pizarro

Indians and shepherds whom he [Picado] held
in encomienda there in a state of pacification,
nor did he understand that, until the leader
[of the Indians] who was Mango Inga should
be overthrown, it was impossible to hold any
province in peace. Alonso de Alvarado, then,
by stopping in Xauxa, for the reason I have
related, during four or five months, was the
cause of Almagro’s entering Cuzco before
him. For, had Alonso de Alvarado entered
first, and had Hernando Pizarro been made
powerful with Spanish soldiery, as he would
have been with the arrival of Alvarado, had
he arrived first, Don Diego de Almagro would
never have dared to do what he did do in
Cuzco upon his arrival there. And so [it may
be said] neither would he [Almagro] have been
killed, nor would so many misadventures and
battles have befallen as those which began
at this time. While we were in possession
of this news, within a few days came other,
to the effect that Almagro and his troops
had arrived at Urcos, six leagues from Cuzco,
and from here he was treating, by means of

Relation 347

Indian messengers, with Mango Inga, who
was his friend, as I have said, on account of
his [Almagro’s] having killed, at his request,
his two brothers before setting out for Chile.
Then Almagro sent one Rui Diaz to Mango
Inga as a messenger, asking him [Mango] to
come out in peace for he [Almagro] was his
friend. When Rui Diaz was arrived where
Mango Inga was, he [Mango] received him
very well, making enquiries after Almagro and
his troops and other matters, and he kept him
[Diaz] with him in this way for some days,
and on the third day he [Mango] put a ques-
tion to him which, according to what Rui
Diaz reported, was in this form: Tell me, Rui
Diaz, if I were to give to the King a very great
treasure, would he withdraw all the Chris-
tians from this land? Rui Diaz replied: How
much would you give? Rui Diaz said that he
then had brought a fanega of maize and had
it turned out upon the ground before Mango
Inga, and of the pile he took one grain, and
said: As much as this grain is the quantity
of silver and gold which you have found for the

348 Pedro Pizarro

Christians, and in comparison what you have
not found is as this fanega from which I take
this grain. This maize is a food better than
wheat, and these natives eat it, and it is found
in all these Indies, and as it is now common
in Spain I explain no further. Rui Diaz said
to Mango Inga: Even though you were to
give to the King all these peaks made in gold
and silver, yet would he not draw from this
land the Spaniards [in it]. Hearing this,
Mango Inga said to him: Get you gone, Rui
Diaz, and say to Almagro that he may go
where he will, for I am bound to die, and all
my people are, as well, until we have made an
end to the Christians; get you gone soon,
and say to Almagro that I come not to see
him [because he had sent to ask him to come
and have an interview in Yucay]. Having
set forth from Tambo, Rui Diaz encountered
Almagro half a league from this Tambo, for
he was going to see the Inga [and find out]
what had been agreed with him, and he
[Almagro] was taking with him half of his
troops, and the other half he had left at

Relation 349

Urcos, fortified in a fortress of stones which
was there, in a narrow place at the entrance
of the village. Hernando Pizarro, learning
of the arrival of Almagro at Urcos, and not
understanding the dealings which he had with
the Inga, nor knowing how he had gone from
Urcos to see him at Tambo, because, while
these dealings were going on between the
Inga and Almagro the Indians who served
him [Pizarro?] were in peace, and so he could
go by the road he took, for, had they been at
war, it would^ have been impossible to go by
that road without all being killed. So Her-
nando Pizarro ordered all his troops to make
ready so that we might go to Urcos to find
out if the arrival of Almagro was a fact, and
to find out what was the cause of his having
repaired thither instead of going to Cuzco.
Having arrived at a plain which lies at the
entrance of Urcos, having had some skirmishes
with the Indians who were at war along the
route, [we saw that] some of Almagro’s Span-
iards came out, armed as if for war, and with
reserve they spoke to Hernando Pizarro, tell-

350 Pedro Pizarro

ing him that Almagro was not there, having
gone to see the Inga. And from this Her-
nando Pizarro understood the evil intention
with which Almagro had come, which was to
take Cuzco by force, not keeping the sworn
agreement which he had made with his com-
panion the Marquis. And, though he [Al-
magro] might have settled in the Charcas or
in Arequipa [he did not do so] neither did he
do it in Chile. And, although his men be-
sought him to settle a town there, he did not
do so, for fear of lessening his forces and com-
ing with less power to stir Cuzco up into
rebellion and take it by force of arms, as he
did. When Hernando Pizarro and those of
us who were with him understood all that I
have just said, he returned to Cuzco without
stopping, fearing lest Don Diego de Almagro
should enter Cuzco from Yucay before he got
back. When we had arrived at Cuzco, Al-
magro had not yet set forth from Yucay, and
on the morning of the next day those who had
remained at Urcos and those who had gone
with Almagro re-united into one force before

Relation 351

Cuzco. Well might Hernando Pizarro have
routed the Spaniards who had remained in
Urcos had he wished to do so, but he believed
that Almagro would keep the sworn agreement
which he had made with his companion the
Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro. And, in
order that His Majesty might not be ill served,
he did not do so, although he well understood
the evil intention which Almagro had.

Don Diego de Almagro having assembled
his troops, as has been said, they all came
together and ^ established their Camp upon
some andenes near Cuzco where now is the
monastery of simple and pious Saint Francis.
Before they arrived there and established
themselves, Hernando Pizarro sent [a mes-
senger] to talk with him [Almagro] and to ask
him to take up his residence in one half of
Cuzco while he [Hernando Pizarro] and those
of us who were with him there would be in
the other half, and [he suggested that] from
there a messenger might be sent to the Mar-
quis Don Francisco Pizarro in order that he
might know of his [Almagro’s] coming and

35* Pedro Pizarro

might give orders as to the estate and situa-
tion of Don Diego de Almagro and his men.
Don Diego de Almagro did not agree to this,
but rather asked that Hernando Pizarro give
Cuzco up to him freely. In all this there were
many messages and proposals on the part of
Hernando Pizarro, who well understood that
it was not possible to prevent the evil pur-
poses of Almagro, who never agreed to any
plan or agreement which was made to him,
save only that they give Cuzco up to him
freely. While these matters were going on
between them, a truce was made for the draw-
ing up of these demands. And while this
truce was still in force, and before it had half
run its course, Don Diego de Almagro entered
Cuzco one night at midnight with drum and
fife from three sides, and he took Cuzco and
entered the plaza without meeting with re-
sistance, for he [Hernando Pizarro] did not
know that he [Almagro] was going to break
the truce, and soon the said Don Diego de
Almagro with his chief men went to the houses
where Hernando Pizarro lived, in order to

Relation 353

take him prisoner. Hernando Pizarro had
with him some friends in a galpon where he
was living [galpon means a dwelling], a very
large one with an entrance at one end of the
room from which could be seen the whole
interior, for the doorway is so wide that it
extends from one wall to the other, and it is
open up to the roof. These Indians have
these galpones for their orgies. They have
others with the ends closed up and provided
with many doors in the middle or to one side.
These galpones are very large, without any
partitions, being instead open and clear. While
Hernando Pizarro was in this galpon, in the
midst of the houses where he lived, [he heard]
the noise which the entry of Almagro into
Cuzco with his troops stirred up, and Her-
nando Pizarro with those of his men who were
with him came out armed and stationed them-
selves at the door of this galpon. Almagro
and his men, arrived at this door with the
intention of taking him prisoner, and they
were fighting there a great while, for, although
those who were with Hernando Pizarro were

354 Pedro Pizarro

few, they [Almagro and his men] could not
force an entrance through them. Hernando
Pizarro had with him about twenty men, and
Almagro had about three hundred, because,
as I have said, Hernando Pizarro did not
have more men with him on account of the
truce and his belief that it would be kept.
Hernan Ponce de Leon and Rojas and others
here injured Hernando Pizarro, and they
failed him and his friends, and for this reason,
and on account of the truce, Almagro entered
so much at his ease, for otherwise it would
have cost him a goodly number of lives before
he effected an entrance. While fighting, as I
say, with Hernando Pizarro at the door of
this galpon, Almagro having wounded some
of those whom Hernando Pizarro had with
him with darts, and seeing that Hernando
Pizarro did not intend to surrender, he ordered
that [the roof of] this galpon where Hernando
Pizarro was, be set on fire, for it was of straw,
and until it began to fall in flames, never
would Hernando Pizarro have wished to give
himself up, nor would he ever have done so

Relation 355

except for the fact that they would have held
it against him and he would have been con-
demned if he [and his men] had been burned
there. And, understanding this, and seeing
that the fire was falling upon their shoulders,
he yielded himself to capture. Almagro
handed him over to his captain named Rod-
rigo Orgonez, and with some of his most inti-
mate friends in whom Almagro had the most
faith they carried him [Pizarro] off to the
houses of the Sun, as they were very strong
houses, well enclosed, and there they kept him
some days until a round tower was made ready
in Caxana, houses where the Marquis Don
Francisco Pizarro was and where Hernando
Pizarro was when they took him prisoner.
Then, having fortified this tower by closing up
the windows and door, leaving a small hole
through which a man could crawl, they put
him there, walled up, as I say. This Caxana
had two round towers, one on one side of the
door and the other upon the other side, I
mean almost at the corners of this square
[courtyard?]. These towers were of well made

356 Pedro Pizarro

masonry and very strong. They were round,
covered with straw very strangely placed
thus: The straw eaves stood out beyond the
wall more than a braza, so that the shelter of
this eave favoured the horsemen around the
tower when it rained. These houses and
rooms belonged to Guainacapa. The Indians
burned [the roofs of] these towers when they
laid siege [to Cuzco] with burning arrows or
stones. So thick was the thatch that it took
eight days or more for it to be entirely burned,
or, I should say, before the wooden framework
fell. They had closed these towers [at the
top] with thick beams of wood with earth
above like azoteas. In one of these they held
Hernando Pizarro. 116

Now I shall come back to the entry of Al-
magro into Cuzco. In the morning after
having captured it they did not know whether
to call us their men or traitors. They [the
Almagrists] entered our houses and took away
our property and horses. Here was begun the
naming of traitors in this land and the begin-
ning of battles and pillage was made. So

Relation 357

Almagro took prisoner some of the friends
and kinsmen of Hernando Pizarro, such as
Gonzalo Pizarro, Pedro Pizarro, Alonso de
Toro, Solar, Cardenas, and Xara, and so he
held them for some days, though sometimes
he let them go free and at others he took them
prisoner again. He kept Hernando and Gon-
zalo Pizarro prisoners always, under heavy
guard.

While matters were in the situation de-
scribed, Alonso de Alvarado arrived at Cocha-
caxa, which is ‘twenty leagues from Cuzco, a
little more or less, and near the river Avan-
cay. 117 In winter this river can not be forded,
and in summer only with difficulty. Here
Alonso de Alvarado learned of the entry of
Almagro into Cuzco and of the imprisonment
of Hernando Pizarro. And learning of it, he
stopped in this place Cochacaxa, which is a
high peak with a small flat place upon it, and
on this flat place a lake, likewise small, is
formed, which the Indians call Cocha, and
for this reason they call this place Cochacaxa.
From this peak and from this lake a slope of

358 Pedro Pizarro

almost a league goes down to the river of
Avancay. Alvarado, upon learning of what
had taken place in Cuzco, and leaving his men
above in this Cochacaxa already mentioned,
went down to the bridge of Avancay to cap-
ture it and build fortifications, and he did so
as well at the ford as at the bridge. He and
his best fighters were guarding the bridge and
valley. And he despatched fifty horsemen to
go and give the news of what had happened
to the Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro, and
of how he [Alvarado] commanded them to go
down to the [coast] plains by way of Nasca,
whence the road might be taken, in order that
they might go without peril through the
plains, for they would be able to go that way,
the land being flat and having few inhabitants.
I have already told how Picado took away the
command of troops from Pedro de Lerma and
gave it to Alonso de Alvarado for the reasons
I have told, because this Picado, being the
secretary, had so much influence with the
Marquis that nothing was done unless he
ordered it, and this was the cause of a suffi-

Relation 359

ciency of evil in this land, as I shall tell
further on. Pedro de Lerma came with
Alonso de Alvarado. Being fretful on ac-
count of the affront which he had received,
he had many friends, important men, in the
camp of Alvarado. Perceiving that he had
an opportunity to avenge himself for the
injury that had been done him, he plotted
with his friends to write to Almagro [asking
him] to come and attack them without fear,
for they would give up to him the troops whom
Alonso de Alvarado had, as well as Alvarado
himself, as prisoners. And, although Alma-
gro had had news of the arrival of Alonso de
Alvarado, he had not dared to go and attack
him, for Alonso de Alvarado had many very
good troops, and he did not venture to go and
fight with them. But, having received the
letters which Lerma and his friends sent him,
he made ready [to go], taking all the horses
and arms of those of us who were in Cuzco
with Hernando Pizarro, taking prisoner all
those of whom he was suspicious and walling
them up in the other round tower; leaving

360 Pedro Pizarro

Grabiel de Rojas as his lieutenant, he set
forth with all his troops, and some who wished
ill to Hernando Pizarro were in Cuzco as
guards over him and the [other] prisoners.
And the doors were walled up, leaving only
very small windows through which food was
passed. And so he [Almagro] set forth for
Avancay, giving notice to Pedro de Lerma
and his friends of his coming, and promising
them great favours. When Pedro de Lerma
and his friends learned of the coming of Al-
magro, they pretended to be very great parti-
sans of the Marquis and of Alonso de Alva-
rado, and they tried to be stationed near the
ford in order that they might distinguish
themselves the more in the service of the Mar-
quis. And, on receiving what they asked for,
they gave news of it to Almagro, telling him
to attack the bridge, and by night to turn and
attack the ford at the quarter just before
dawn, and that he would find everything flat
and open. Almagro did this, and all day he
was fighting at the bridge with some arque-
buses and cross-bows, and in this fight, his

Relation 361

men say, Almagro killed three of Alvarado’s
men, among whom was a gentleman named, I
believe, Don Francisco. When night was
closing in, Almagro caused great fires to be
built before the bridge, pretending to estab-
lish his Camp there. And leaving some sol-
diers to show themselves upon the bridge, he
went with most of his troops to the ford.
Crossing it without risk from the men who
were there, he attacked those who were at the
bridge, wounding some of them and over-
coming others,- and he took Alonso de Alva-
rado prisoner. And from here he passed on to
Cochacaxa, and having come up to the troops
who were there, he took them prisoner and
stole all the luggage he found. And from here
Almagro returned to Cuzco, taking all the
troops with him, some going willingly and
others in spite of themselves. And with Alva-
rado a prisoner under heavy ransom, he re-
turned to Cuzco, and when he had arrived,
he put Alonso de Alvarado in the same prison
which held Hernando Pizarro. And this was
the first battle and effrontery which there was

362 Pedro Pizarro

in Peru [and the beginning of] robberies and
ill-treatment, for in this battle they affronted
many, among whom were Pedro de Lerma who
cudgelled one Samaniego who was in his com-
pany, and this Samaniego afterwards killed
Pedro de Lerma at the battle of las Salinas.

Having done this, and having rested some
days, Almagro determined to go and attack
the Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro in order to
take him prisoner if he could. All this Alma-
gro did, so it is said, upon the advice of Diego
de Alvarado and other gentlemen whom he
had with him, and who came to these parts
with Don Pedro de Alvarado.

While being engaged in his preparations for
going to Lima, Almagro decided that we sol-
diers who were in Cuzco, together with some
of those whom he had brought and some of
those of Alonso de Alvarado [should join
forces with him], and he formed a detachment
of four hundred men, and he himself and some
captains of his went with them against Tambo
where the Inga was, sending him messages to
come in peace, for otherwise he [Almagro]

Relation 363

would make war against him. When Mango
Inga learned of the setting forth of Almagro
and these troops against him, he deserted
Tambo and retreated into the Andes. 118
These Andes are some very thick forests with
very lofty vegetation. All the year around it
rains more or less in these Andes. In certain
parts some few Indians are settled, but so few
are they that those which up to the present
have been seen do not number more than two
hundred. These Indians understood the cul-
tivation of an herb which is called coca among
them, as I have said, for the Lords. And now
many Spaniards have devoted themselves to
making plantations of coca, for it is the thing
which is worth the most and has the highest
price that there is among these natives, and I
believe that there is a yearly traffic in this
herb to the amount of more than six hundred
thousand pesos, and it has made many men
rich. And may it please God that they be
not poor in spirit, because, according to what
is said, the natives die in this trade, especially
those who enter the Andes, for it gives them a

364 Pedro Pizarro

sickness of the nose like that of Saint Anthony,
and which has no cure, albeit there are some
remedies for checking it, yet in the end it
returns and kills them. This sickness attacks
all those Indians who are not natives born and
bred among these Andes, and it even touches
some of those who are born there, and for this
reason there are so few of them. In this land
of the Andes there live many vipers and great
serpents, and there have been serpents which
attack men and kill them. It is a rugged land
with many high peaks and ravines, and for
this reason there are in the land many bad
passes through which horses can not go unless
the many bad places are paved with adobe
at the cost of much labour. And although
they use horses on the plains they can not be
made use of until the whole woodland region
is crossed, and it is very extensive, and in some
places small plains are formed between moun-
tain and mountain. These mountains slope
toward the northern sea.

Almagro and his men having arrived at
Tambo, and finding here neither the Inga nor

Relation 365

his warriours, he sent Rodrigo Orgonez and
Rui Diaz and others of his captains with the
greater part of his soldiers after Mango Inga,
and so they went giving chase to him as far
as a village which is called Vitacos which they
could reach with the horses, covering with
adobe some bad places. 119 And in this chase
the Spaniards took many [Indian] men and
recovered the two Spaniards whom the Inga
had with him, Francisco Martin whom he had
captured and the other one who had fled from
us. Almagro wished to hang the fugitive,
but he desisted at the request [of his men].
Mango Inga hid himself in the depths of the
mountains with some troops, and for that rea-
son he could not be taken prisoner. But I
shall not treat of him until later. The troops
whom Almagro had sent out from Tambo hav-
ing returned, he and all his men returned to
Cuzco, and, after resting for some days, Al-
magro determined to set out for Lima against
Don Francisco Pizarro, believing that he could
capture him with a few men and enter Lima,
because he said that his jurisdiction began

366 Pedro Pizarro

there. Almagro planned this on finding how
many troops he had, for he had brought from
Chile more than three hundred men, and
Alonso de Alvarado had gone down [to the
coast] with more than five hundred, and of
those of us who were in Cuzco more than sixty
were of his party and wished ill to Hernando
Pizarro, and among these were the treasurer
Riquelme and the factor Mercado. But it
turned out quite differently from what Al-
magro planned, for, as he showed such ill-
treatment to those of us who were in Cuzco
and those whom he took prisoner in the field
and those of Alonso de Alvarado, twenty by
twenty and ten by ten they fled away from
him and passed over to the side of the Marquis
Don Francisco Pizarro. Almagro having set
out with more than seven hundred men, he
carried Hernando Pizarro with him, a prisoner,
leaving in captivity in the tower where he [Her-
nando Pizarro] had been Gonzalo Pizarro his
brother and Alonso de Alvarado, and in the
other tower he left prisoner and walled up
Pedro Pizarro, already mentioned, Alonso de

Relation 367

Toro and Cardenas. This Pedro Pizarro and
Alonso de Toro and Cardenas are those who
have been mentioned here many times, be-
cause there was not in this kingdom another
Pedro Pizarro nor another Alonso de Toro
other than these who have been named so
many times, nor have there been other men
of these names in later times. Almagro left
Grabiel de Rojas as lieutenant-governor,
charging him to keep a good guard upon the
prisoners. But it befell that before Almagro
set out he quarrelled with a gentleman whom
he brought from Chile and who was called
Lorenzo de Aldana, a native of Caceres. He
quarrelled, then, with this man because Al-
dana asked him to give him ten thousand
pesos for his preparations for going with him,
just as he [Almagro] had given [such a sum]
to Diego de Alvarado and Gomez de Alvarado
and others. When Almagro replied to him
that he had nothing to give him, Aldana said
to him: Well does your Lordship see that we
come [from Chile] ruined and lost men [as
indeed they did], and since your Lordship

368 Pedro Pizarro

has given to others, it is just that you grant
me some aid, for if you do not give me it I
shall not be able to go and serve your Lord-
ship upon this journey. Then, giving loose
rein to his tongue, as he was wont to do, they
say that he said to Aldana: Stay, then, for we
shall make war without Maria Aldana. 120 So,
regretting this much, Aldana remained behind,
and Almagro paid for it well. Some days after
Almagro had gone away, taking Hernando
Pizarro with him, Lorenzo de Aldana spoke
secretly to certain friends whom he had in
Cuzco and to others whom he believed to feel
themselves injured by the entry which Alma-
gro had made into Cuzco, calling upon them
to aid him in setting free the prisoners whom,
as I have said, Almagro had left there. And
after he had gained some support, he ex-
changed letters with Gonzalo Pizarro and
Alonso de Alvarado. And having laid his
plans, Aldana ordered the guards who watched
these said prisoners one night to hand over
the guard to friends to whom he had spoken,
and while these were keeping watch they [the

Relation 369

prisoners] opened up two windows which these
towers had and which gave on the courtyard,
and, having opened them, the prisoners es-
caped, and when they were free their friends,
who numbered as many as fifty, were guarding
them, and they took some horses and captured
Rojas and some arms, though only a few, be-
cause Almagro had taken all [the rest] with
him. They prepared [to set forth] on this
day when they were set free, and with all pos-
sible speed [they gave chase to Almagro] lest
the news should reach him before they took
him by means of going by some other road,
for Almagro went down to Nasca which is in
the plains; and Gonzalo Pizarro and Alvarado
and the others who were going with him took
an inland road, going to attack Guamanga,
which is a road that leads toward the Andes,
and from here they marched out upon
Xauxa, and from Xauxa they went down to
the valley of Lima where the Marquis was,
and at this time Almagro was in Pachacama,
four leagues from Lima. And, with the ar-
rival of these men [Gonzalo Pizarro and his

370 Pedro Pizarro

men] the Marquis had great joy and Almagro
felt sorrow. And soon he retired to Chincha,
thirty leagues from Lima.

While he [Almagro] was in Chincha, some
agreements were made, through the media-
tion of the licentiate Espinosa, acting for
Almagro, and of Don Francisco de Godoy
and a religious named Bobadilla, provincial of
the Mercedarians, acting for the Marquis.
These men agreed that Almagro and the
Marquis should meet each other at Mala, a
valley which is between Lima and Chincha,
almost half of the thirty leagues distance from
either, and to do this the Marquis set forth
from Lima with seven hundred men whom he
had all assembled and ready for war. Then
he set up his Camp in some hollows and a
valley which is called Chile, ten leagues from
the city of the Kings, and from here he took
twelve men in whom he trusted, and he took
them with him to Mala, for it was agreed that
they should meet here, as has been said, each
one bringing with him twelve men. The
Marquis left his brother Gonzalo Pizarro in

Relation 371

camp as general. When the Marquis had
set out, Gonzalo Pizarro with the whole camp
marched after him until he arrived at the river
Mala, and there he took ambush in some
groves which were near the river, placing
among some reeds in the river-bed fifty arque-
busiers, because the village where they were
to meet was on the other side of the river,
toward Chincha, whence Almagro was to
come, and up the stream, a little to one side
of the highway. And they say that Almagro
also took his whole camp and ambushed it,
behind some hills just on the other side of
Mala. The Marquis arrived first at this
place which I have mentioned where they were
to meet, and then Almagro arrived at the
river, and arriving there he gave his horse a
drink, and the arquebusiers of the Marquis,
who, as I say, were in ambush, wished to
shoot and kill him. Gonzalo Pizarro ordered
them not to do any such thing, because he
[the Marquis] was with them [Almagro and his
men]. Then, his horse having drunk, he
[Almagro] and the twelve who were with him

372 Pedro Pizarro

went to the Tambo where the Marquis was.
Tambo is what these Indians call some large
rooms which they have built by command of
the Inga in order that he might lodge there
while passing through his land or for his cap-
tains and governors whom he had stationed in
the manner I have related. Almagro having
arrived at this Tambo where the Marquis was
awaiting him, they saw each other and spoke
together, albeit not with the affection with
which in other times they were wont to receive
each other, for both were envenomed, the
Marquis on account of the injury that had
been done to his brothers and Almagro by the
evil heart he bore and the evil works he had
done, for, when they saw each other in Cuzco
after the quarrels between Joan Pizarro and
Almagro, they came to an agreement, and
they poured forth their tears as it was their
custom to do when they met after a long
absence. And I speak truthfully when I say
that all this [lack of harmony] was due to the
evil counsels of those whom Don Pedro de
Alvarado had brought to this land, for they

Relation 373

it was who began to set in flame this kingdom
of Peru, a fire which has been great and has
lasted long, for all the rest who came from
Nicaragua and other parts were peaceful and
quiet men. Here, if he had wished, the Mar-
quis would have been able to capture and kill
Almagro very much at his leisure, because his
men were nearer to this Tambo and there were
more of them, and because Almagro had but
fifteen or twenty arquebusiers, whereas the
Marquis had eighty or more, for at that time
they were not as numerous in this kingdom as
they are now. And there was no lack of evil
counsellors who called to Gonzalo Pizarro’s
mind the remembrance of how Almagro had
broken the truce, and who urged him to do the
same since he had such a good occasion. But
being advised of these desires, the Marquis
sent to order his brother not to do that, for
if he broke his word which he had given to the
envoys of Almagro, he [the Marquis] would
no longer have him for a brother, for the Mar-
quis Don Francisco Pizarro was a man who
kept his word faithfully. Then, after there

374 Pedro Pizarro

had been complaints and recriminations be-
tween them, Almagro returned to Chincha,
and the Marquis camped his men in this valley
of Mala, and he told Almagro that if he did
not set free his brother Hernando Pizarro
whom he held prisoner, he would follow him
until he took his life, and so he [the Marquis]
marched as far as Guarco, which is a valley
so called, and which is six leagues from Chin-
cha where Almagro was. From here the
envoys again treated between Don Diego de
Almagro and the Marquis Don Francisco
Pizarro, in order once more to make an agree-
ment. It was finally agreed that Almagro
should release Hernando Pizarro in order that
the Marquis might be placated and that other
concessions should be made. Almagro agreed
to it, and released Hernando Pizarro. When
he was released, the Marquis agreed that Don
Diego de Almagro should settle the Charcas
and Arequipa and in these villages should
give sustenance to the men whom he had with
him, and it was quite necessary that it be
given them, the best of the land, even though

Relation 375

at that time the mines were not discovered,
neither those of Potosi nor those of Porco,
which is near this village of the Charcas,
which the Marquis later settled, as will be
told further on, and [it was stipulated] that
he [Almagro] and the men he had brought
should stay in these villages until a report was
made to His Majesty, and until, in his
turn, His Majesty should point out their
boundaries. Almagro did not wish to agree
to this unless they were to give him Cuzco.
But the Marquis did not agree to this, for all
the fame and wealth was in Cuzco, and so it cost
the lives of both of them and those of more
than two thousand other Spaniards. Then,
as they did not agree, Almagro continued
retreating and the Marquis went on following
him, and in this way they went on until
Almagro went up to Guaitara which is in the
highlands, and the Marquis followed him,
having some encounters, although not bloody
ones, between the scouts. Then, on a plain
which lies before Guaitara, very cold and
having much snow, they were almost able to

376 Pedro .Pizarro

see the camps of one another. On account of
the thick snow which there was, the Marquis
believed that he would not be able to catch
up with the troops of Almagro, so he turned
to re-form his forces in the valley of Yea which
is forty leagues from the city of the Kings and
the valley of Lima, and Almagro went on to
Cuzco with all speed. When we were ar-
rived at Yea with the Marquis Don Francisco
Pizarro, the Marquis re-formed all his troops,
giving the command over them and sufficient
powers to Hernando Pizarro whom he sent to
follow Don Diego de Almagro and his troops
and drive them beyond the limits of Cuzco.
Hernando Pizarro set forth, taking with him
Gonzalo Pizarro his brother, and Alonso de
Alvarado and other captains, among them
Castro and Diego de Urbina, and others whom
I do not name in order not to be prolix. His
forces counted some eight hundred infantry
and horse, and among them were eighty arque-
busiers. Having sent off this force, the Mar-
quis returned to the city of the Kings at Lima,
and Hernando Pizarro went up into the high-

Relation 377

lands by way of Nasca. This Nasca is sixty
leagues from Lima. It is a valley of Yungas.
These Yungas [live in] a very hot land of many
deserts of sand with rivers that flow from the
highlands to the northern sea and form some
valleys, and here dwell these Indians whom I
call Yungas. These valleys are very insalu-
brious for mountain folk; they have many
groves of trees and many reedy swamps. In
most of these valleys there are many mosqui-
toes which weary mankind, by day and by
night. Hernando Pizarro having, as I say,
gone up by way of Nasca into a province which
is called Sorac, he went on from there by
deserted and little-known roads so that Al-
magro might not learn whither he was going,
and likewise so as to avoid two great rivers
which are called Avancay and Apurima.
These rivers flow to the northern sea. Then,
proceeding by forced marches without Alma-
gro’s being able to learn where he would come
out in order to descend into the valley of
Cuzco, for Almagro was in Cuzco re-forming
his troops, and because Hernando Pizarro

378 Pedro Pizarro

would make preparations to move in one di-
rection and would then move in another,
without previously informing either his cap-
tains or those of us who were his soldiers,
because, when they made us ready to go in
one direction, they led us in another, and this
Hernando Pizarro did in order that they [the
Almagrists] should not break down the bridge
of a river which is called Aycha, where he
finally came out ten leagues from Cuzco.
But twelve or thirteen leagues before arriving
at the bridge, he made ready three hundred
horsemen, and he sent them off under the
command of his brother Gonzalo Pizarro on
one afternoon, without anyone understand-
ing it or knowing where they were going, and
with orders to go without stopping to take
this bridge of Aycha and guard it so that it
be not burned before he [Hernando Pizarro]
should arrive. These Indians used bridges
made of cables woven out of rushes, and these
cables were two palms broad and long enough
to stretch from one side of the river to the
other and to have something left over. Then

Relation 379

they built some piles of very thick stone on
one side and on the other [of the river], and
these were traversed by very thick beams to
which they tied these cables, joining some of
them to others, and they fixed still others
higher up in the manner of a balustrade on
either hand. Then they laid down many
canes of the thickness of a finger or less upon
the cables, and they wove them very closely
and evenly. And they set in place other
canes woven back and forth so as to form a
balustrade so that no one should fall down or
even see down into the water below. They
made these bridges so well and so strongly that
the cavalry could cross over them very well. 121
Gonzalo Pizarro having set out with the
soldiers already mentioned, Hernando Pizarro
remaining in the Camp with the rest of the
troops, Gonzalo Pizarro and those of us who
were going with him crossed the river which
flows by Avancay, near which place it rises,
half by swimming, and without stopping we
went to the bridge of Aycha, which is at
Purimac, and we found the bridge well made

380 Pedro Pizarro

and strong, and here we stopped, waiting
until Hernando Pizarro should arrive with
the rest of the troops, which he did in three
days. When we arrived here, Almagro had
news of our coming, and he put his men in
readiness to await Hernando Pizarro. Alma-
gro had more than eight hundred men, but,
as I have said, he did not have more than
fifteen or twenty arquebusiers. Upon the
arrival of Hernando Pizarro we crossed the
bridge, and returned in the direction of Cuzco,
coming down into the valley two leagues from
Cuzco. When Almagro learned of our arrival,
which took place at night, and we stopped in
that place until day came, he made ready all
his troops and sallied out with them to Salinas,
half a league from Cuzco, a place where the
highway goes up a slope with a small flat
place on one hand and a small swamp upon the
other. Here Almagro stationed his men and
formed his platoons, and near this swamp he
placed a company of horse with a captain
named Vasco de Guevara, who was a citizen
of Lima and a native of Toledo, commanding

Relation 381

him to attack the infantry and arquebusiers of
Hernando Pizarro, and thus he awaited us.
Morning having come, Hernando Pizarro
arranged his troops, dividing the cavalry
into two parts so that if it were necessary they
might attack in divisions, or, if not necessary,
they might join together. He gave one part
to Diego de Rojas and the marshal Alvarado;
the other part he took himself with Gonzalo
Pizarro, and two captains had charge of the
infantry, a Castro, native of Portugal, being
in command of the arquebusiers, and later he
was killed by Peranzures in a sortie, and the
pikemen being under the orders of Diego de
TJrbina. While Castro, the captain of the
arquebusiers, was marching along in this
formation he saw the swamp, and he placed
himself and his men in it, and then his men
began to scatter themselves [unwittingly]
among those of Vasco de Guevara, who at-
tacked them a little, but, seeing that they
could have no avail on account of the swamp,
they [Guevara and his men] withdrew and
joined the platoon of Don Diego de Almagro.

382 Pedro Pizarro

Having seen this, Hernando Pizarro com-
manded that all the cavalry should reunite,
and so he attacked those [the cavalry] of
Almagro, and this battle lasted for a while,
and in the end the men of Almagro fled, and
Almagro went with some of them to the
fortress [Sacsahuaman?]. Then the troops of
Hernando Pizarro followed them, took them
and bore them off to Cuzco where Hernando
Pizarro put him [Almagro] in the tower where
he [Almagro] had held him prisoner, taking
out from this tower and the other one more
than thirty men whom Almagro held prisoner
and had walled up, because they were friends
of Hernando Pizarro. Standing guard over
these [Almagro’s prisoners] was Noguerol de
Ulloa, who was a citizen of Arequipa. On
setting these men free, Hernando Pizarro

placed here Almagro, and he held him prisoner,
and after a trial of some months he cut off
his head. And in this battle of Salinas al-
most two hundred men died, on one side or
the other. Rodrigo Orgonez, captain-general
of Almagro, was killed. And many on both

Relation 383

sides came out of it wounded, and with all
this, Hernando Pizarro did not consent to
pilfering, as did Almagro in Chile, but in-
stead he commanded that some horse which
had been taken should be returned, as well
as some piece of [silver] service and some
slaves, to those who owned them, as well as
all the other things which seemed to have
been taken by his men while they were enter-
ing Cuzco and in the battle. 122

Almagro being dead, as I say, there were in
Cuzco many troops gathered together, as well
those of Almagro as those of Pizarro, and as,
at that time, there were no pretenders as
there are now, and as the Indians were not
then given to everyone, but only to the meri-
torious men who took part in the discovery
and conquest of this land, Hernando Pizarro
determined to give permission to Pedro de
Candia, one of the discoverers and con-
querors of this kingdom, to make an entry
into the Andes, which Pedro de Candia had
wished to do many days before, because he
said that he had information about a certain

384 Pedro Pizarro

province, very well populated and very rich,
which they say is in these Andes, on the other
side of the mountains and toward the northern
sea. And today there is the same rumour and
it has not been possible to find out about it
so as to travel in the directions which shall
lead to it.

When Hernando Pizarro saw the many
troops who were without occupation, he
granted leave to Pedro de Candia to make the
journey which he wished to make, and he
named him captain. And he [Candia] as-
sembled three hundred or more men, and with
them he started to enter the Andes directly

from Cuzco, because in this is the

news of [its] having a population. Wishing
to enter [the Andes] and not having found
any way of crossing the mountains, he went
along the desert which lies between the Andes
and some Canches Indians who are settled
at the beginning of the Collao, and not find-
ing any pass, he went on to these Canches who,
as I say, are settled along the highway of the
Collao, and as they did not find at once an-

Relation 385

other Peru, one Mesa, a mulatto whom Candia
had as master of the camp, a valiant man
whom Hernando Pizarro had had as captain
of artillery in charge of some marksmen whom
he had at las Salinas, plotted with Candia’s
men to mutiny. When news of this came to
the ears of Hernando Pizarro, and as soon as
he learned of it, he set forth with his friends
in search of Candia and his men, and he caught
up with them at a village of the Canches which
is called Yanacoca, fourteen leagues from
Cuzco, and he took Mesa and others prisoner,
and he killed Mesa and another soldier, and
he took away from Candia the command of
the troops and gave it to Pero Anzures, send-
ing Candia to Cuzco and its neighbourhood,
for he was a citizen there. Peranzures took
the troops whom Hernando Pizarro gave him,
and journeying onward through the Collao,
he entered the Andes from a village which they
call Ayavirezama, and he found a road along
which he passed through the mountains, and
after that through some deserts where almost
half the men he had with him perished of

386 Pedro Pizarro

hunger. Having crossed these deserts, he
came upon a very powerful river, and, not
being able to cross it, nor having the means
for building boats, nor would it have been
possible to cross the river with boats, he turned
about, and going and coming, as I say, he
left more than half his men dead of hunger.

When the Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro
learned of the imprisonment and death of Don
Diego de Almagro, he felt deep regret that he
had been killed, and he came to Cuzco, and
on his arrival he learned that from the Desa-
guadero onward in the direction of Charcas

the whole country was in revolt. This Desa-
guadero is formed near a village called Cipita
which belongs to the province of Chucuito
which His Majesty owns. This Desaguadero
flows out of Lake Titicaca into that which is
formed in the provinces of Carangas and
Aullapas, as I have said. It flows two fath-
oms deep and is an arquebuse-shot in width.
They have made a bridge for crossing it out
of balsas made of rushes. Balsas mean nearly
the same as boats, but they are flat and small.

Relation 387

These balsas are upon the water and are tied
with cords of enea which hold them together
and form a bridge like that across the river
at Seville, which is built upon boats. When
it was learned by the Marquis Don Francisco
Pizarro that all these people were still in
revolt, he sent his brother, Gonzalo Pizarro,
with two hundred men to pacify and conquer
them. And while he was going along toward
Charcas on the other side of this Desaguadero
which I have mentioned, he found many
warriours who were waiting for him there,
believing that they were safe, having broken
the bridge. When the Spaniards arrived
there [at the bridge] they threw themselves
into the river to the number of ten or twelve
with their horses in order to swim over, but,
because this Desaguadero is so deep and
because so many weeds and reeds grow on its
shores, the horses became tangled up in them,
and they were not able to clamber out, and
so they and their masters were drowned, the
Indians aiding [their dying] with blows from
stones. When Gonzalo Pizarro perceived the

388 Pedro Pizarro

disaster and that he could not cross over, he
tried with some [Indian?] friends whom he
had on this other side to make some balsas,
and when they were made, certain Spaniards
crossed over by night and attacked suddenly
the Indians, causing them to flee, and the
Spaniards had a chance to rebuild the bridge,
because the Indian warriours had [parts of]
it near at hand, for, when these [Indians]
wish to break the bridge, they do nothing
more than untwist the ropes on one side [of
the river] and permit it to swing back to the
other side. Things being thus, the Spaniards
and their Indian friends brought it back into
place and, when it was made fast, they passed
over and marched on victorious until they
reached a valley called Cochabamba where
they [the Indians] besieged Gonzalo Pizarro
and held him in great peril. And when this
was learned by the Marquis, he despatched
Hernando Pizarro his brother with another
body of men, and until Hernando Pizarro ar-
rived, Gonzalo Pizarro was beleaguered and
in great danger. With the arrival of Her-

Relation 389

nando Pizarro, the Indians raised the siege, and
so the Christians went onward conquering
and pacifying the whole of the Collao and
Charcas. At this time Hernando Pizarro
found the mines of Porco and took that rich
mine which he has there. From these mines
and from some which are in Tarapaca, a
coastal region, a league and a half from the
sea, they were wont to get silver for the
Ingas. And those of Potosi were worked in
the time of the Spaniards, albeit the Indians
had made some trials there. All this land
having been quieted, Hernando Pizarro and
his brother returned to Cuzco, and when they
had come back the Marquis agreed that
Hernando Pizarro should go to Spain and that
Gonzalo Pizarro, his brother, should go against
Mango Inga, who was in hiding in the Andes.
Now I shall first relate something about
the mines of silver and gold which the Inga
used to work in this kingdom. At the time
when we Spaniards entered it, they were
working the silver mine which Hernando
Pizarro took in Porco, for thus is this place

390 Pedro Pizarro

where the mine is situated called, [and they
were working] many other mines which were
later discovered near this one, yielding rich
metal which is almost half silver, but which
have a great drawback, namely, that they
very soon fill up with water and so can not
be worked. There is another place where they
likewise mined silver, as I have said, and it
is called Tarapaca. It has this name of
Tarapaca on account of a village which is so
named and which is twelve leagues from these
mines. These mines of Tarapaca are in some
sandy wastes and it is twelve leagues to fresh
water, and in some directions there is none
within thirty or forty leagues. The silver ore
which is in these mines is very rich, for most
of the silver from these mines is white when
smelted, and they even say that it has some
admixture of gold. No fixed vein has been
found. There are many springs [of silver]
like veins in the ten leagues round about and
wherever they dig they get silver ore, though
some places are richer than others. On ac-
count of the great scarcity of water they [the

Relation 391

mines] are not worked, nor has all the rich-
ness which is in them been disclosed, because
news has been received of a vein which the
Indians have covered up, which was two feet
wide, all of white silver, and which they say
belonged to the Sun. This was learned
through the event which I shall now relate.
Lucas Martinez, a citizen of Cuzco and later
of Arequipa, one of the conquerors of this
kingdom, worked these mines because he
held in encomienda this village of Tarapaca.
While he was working in a cave where they
first got out the silver for the Inga, he found
some potatoes, round like cannon-balls, which
these Indians call papas, as I have said, lying
about loose in the ground, in weight two
hundred pesos and three hundred and five
hundred, and it befell that he found a papa
that weighed a quintal. This place was
worked at great cost, and these papas were
found from time to time. It happened that
Pedro Pizarro, he named here before, had
near this place the Indians of his encomienda,
and he had news from an Indian that there was

392 Pedro Pizarro

a richer mine than that which Lucas Martinez
was working, and, on going in search of it, he
found some holes which the Indians worked
anciently, two musket-shots from the cave
of Lucas Martinez. And when he asked the
Indians what they got from there, they said
copper, and they lied, for, on searching in a
small hole which the Indians had left on one
side of it [the cave], he found, a little more
than two palms below the ground, stones like
adobes, and more than three thousand pesos
of these bricks of white silver were taken out,
which was unusual, because, when the adobe
was taken out, they merely hit it on top with
a pick and a lump of fine metal which it con-
tained would come out, and so it was left a
plate of silver. Believing that it was the
[chief?] vein, Pedro Pizarro spent more than
twenty thousand pesos in this mine, digging
eighteen estados into the living rock, but he
found no more silver. When Lucas Martinez
learned of this silver which Pedro Pizarro
found at the beginning, he believed that it
was the vein, and he threatened the caciques

Relation 393

of his encomienda of Tarapaca, saying that
he was going to slay them for not having
shown him that mine which Pedro Pizarro
found. The caciques, believing that Lucas
Martinez would misuse them, told him that
he must feel no regrets, for they would give
to him the mine of the Sun, which, as I have
said, was a vein of white silver which they
had not dared to disclose because their wizards
had told them that they would all die and
their fields would all dry up if they did so.
Lucas Martinez gave them courage and bade
them to have no fear, for their wizards did
not speak soothly. While the caciques were
determined to show it, one day before doing
so the sun was eclipsed, and the Indians
believed that the Sun was angered because
they were to disclose his mine, and they did
not understand the course of the sun, and they
said to Lucas Martinez that they would all
die if they showed him the mine, for the Sun
was angry, and for that reason he had stopped
in that way. Then Lucas Martinez gave them
courage, telling them that, from time to time,

394 Pedro Pizarro

the sun did that, and he consoled them some-
what, and they said that they would go with
him to show the mine. While they were
going along the road, it chanced that the
earth trembled very vigourously, and, seeing
the eclipse of the sun and the trembling of
the earth, they [the Indians] said that even
though he might kill them, they would not
disclose the mine, and so they persisted, and
they were never willing to show where it was.
This was hi the time when Vaca de Castro
was ruling this land. Here in this Tarapaca
there is a great wealth in mines all covered
up which, on account of the lack of water and
of wood, is not discovered. Now men are
going in search of them. These Indians used
to work some gold mines at Chuquiabo where
the city of La Paz now is, and they got gold
hi many other places which I will not mention
here in order to avoid prolixity.

To return now to the departure of Hernando
Pizarro for Spain, the Marquis Don Francisco
Pizarro, and his brother with him, and many
of the troops who accompanied him, went out

Relation 395

to a place a league above Cuzco called Guaca-
vara on account of an encounter which was
had there with the Indian warriours the first
time we entered Cuzco, as I have said, because,
in the language of these natives, Guacavara
means Battle. Hernando Pizarro, on taking
leave of his brother the Marquis at this place,
said to him: Look, your Lordship, now that
I am going to Spain, and see that the safety
of all of us is first in God and then hi your
Lordship’s life. I say this because the men
of Chile are going about very mutinous, and
if I were not going away, there would be
nothing to fear. And Hernando Pizarro
spoke the truth, for they trembled with fear
of him. Let your Lordship make friends of
them, giving sustenance to those who wish
it, and do not permit those who wish nothing
to assemble ten together within fifty leagues
of wherever your Lordship may be, for if
you let them assemble, they are bound to kill
you. If they kill your Lordship, I shall
conduct our business ill, and no memory of
your Lordship will remain. Hernando Pizarro

396 Pedro Pizarro

said these words aloud, and we all heard
them, and, embracing the Marquis, he set off
and went away. Hernando Pizarro said these
words to the Marquis because he was a wise
man and because he had sought to make
friends of the chief men from Chile and had
offered to give them repartimientos, and they
had neither accepted his advances nor had
they wished to do so, and so none of them
stayed within fifty leagues of where Hernando
Pizarro was, and because the Marquis did
not take this advice of his brother, those of
Chile finally killed him. When Hernando
Pizarro had set out, the Marquis commanded
that three hundred of the most important
men and captains and warriours should make
ready so that we might go with Gonzalo Pizarro,
his brother, into the Andes in search of
Mango Inga.

Having made ready we set forth, and we
penetrated as far into the Andes as the horses
could go, and at that point we quit them with
some troops to guard them, and we went on-
ward afoot to the place where we were in-

folation 397

formed that Mango Inga had fortified him-
self. While we were travelling one day by a
very narrow road along which we could go
only hi single file, and which was near the
place where Mango Inga had his stronghold,
Gonzalo Pizarro was in the lead, and Pedro
Pizarro was next to him, and Pedro del Barco
came next to him, and then came all the rest
following after. Now it befell that while we
were thus marching along near the fort we
passed through great and dense forests which
there are there and the like of which we had
not before seen hi this land, and while we
were travelling, as I say, Gonzalo Pizarro
chanced to get a small stone into the space
between his shoe and his foot. While taking
off the shoe in order to take the stone out, he
ordered the troops to halt, and, as they all
came up behind one another, he ordered Pedro
del Barco to take the lead and to go on slowly
with the men, while he [Gonzalo Pizarro] took
the stone out of his shoe and put his shoe on
again. While Pedro del Barco was going
onward with all the soldiers after him, they

398 Pedro Pizarro

found two bridges newly made in order to
cross two small rivers which traversed the
road, and, not being aware that they were
made on purpose to lead the Spaniards into
an ambuscade which the Indians had prepared
for them, [they crossed them]. In this Pedro
del Barco was seriously at fault, and he dis-
played very little sagacity in not understand-
ing that enemies make bridges so that we
might cross only under some deceitful plan.
So, without stopping, Pedro del Barco and all
the rest of the troops with him crossed over
and soon they came upon a gentle slope with-
out trees which came down from a very high
mountain. This slope without trees was
about one hundred paces wide, and at its
end the forest again became very thick, and
through it led a very narrow road which did
not permit more than single file, and near this
forest and gully ran these two streams of water
which I have mentioned and over which the
Indians had made the bridges. While march-
ing, as I say, Pedro del Barco and his men
[walked into the trap], not seeing any Indians

Relation 399

because they were all in ambush and hiding,
and they entered upon this gentle slope which
I mention in order to come to the narrow
path through the forest, and when some
twenty Spaniards had entered it, they [the
Indians who were in hiding] hurled down this
slope from above many large boulders. These
boulders are large stones which they throw
from above and which come rolling with
much fury. When these boulders were
thrown, as I say, they crushed three Spaniards
and hurled ‘their fragments into the river.
When the Spaniards who had gone forward
went onward into the forest, they found many
Indian archers who began to shoot arrows at
them and to wound them, and had they not
found a narrow path by which they threw
themselves into the river, all would have been
killed, for they could not overcome these
Indians on account of their being hidden
among the trees. And thus were many
Spaniards wounded, and five were killed.
When Gonzalo Pizarro came up, he found
that this evil thing had taken place, for it

400 Pedro Pizarro

was all a trap, and if the Indians had not
been in so much haste to throw down the
boulders they would have let more of the
Spaniards enter the narrow road and the forest,
and few or none of us would have escaped,
because further on it was impossible to pass,
as it appeared later, because upon the road
by which we had to go, without being able to do
so by another route, [was] a rock three estados
high which they climbed by means of a ladder
made of a tall thick beam, and above this
rock they had made a wall of stones and they
had many thick single stones which they
could use to throw at those who wished to
mount the rock. And three Indians who were
on top of the rock could defend this pass and
no force could take it from them. And then
if they [the Spaniards] had turned back, they
[the Indians] would have hurled down upon
them these boulders which I mention, and
few indeed would have escaped had they [the
Indians] had enough forbearance to allow the
Spaniards to enter [the forest] and then, in
this way, throw down the boulders. When

Relation 401

Gonzalo Pizarro had seen the misfortune
which had befallen us, he determined to retire,
because there were many wounded, and many
had become demoralized, and likewise because
he understood that all the Indians who were
in waiting there were safe. And taking note
of this mountain and this bad passage, he
waited here until midnight, and, sending the
wounded on ahead, Gonzalo Pizarro himself
remaining in the rear, he ordered Pedro Pizarro
to go just behind him. And thus we retired,
and we returned to where we had left the
camp and the horses, and from there he sent
a messenger to Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro
giving him an account of what had taken
place, and [requesting] that he send more
troops. When the Marquis learned of the
rout he did send more soldiers, and when
they had arrived Gonzalo Pizarro turned
back [to go] against this pass where Mango
Inga was, like a very secure man. At the
entrance of this narrow place which I have
mentioned he [Mango] had made a stone
wall with some loop-holes through which they

402 Pedro Pizarro

shot at us with four or five arquebuses which
he had and which he had taken from the
Spaniards, and as they did not know how to
prime [atacar] the arquebuses, they could do
us no harm, for the ball was left close to the
mouth of the arquebuse and so fell to the
ground on coming out. One morning after
our arrival here one hundred of our best men
were made ready to mount through a thickly
wooded slope to a high peak where all the
heights could be dominated so that these said
passes might be cleared and so that we might
outflank the Indians. So it was that Gonzalo
Pizarro and half of us troops were facing the
fort where Mango Inga was, while the rest
secretly went up through the forests without
the Indians becoming aware of it. And we
kept making attacks as if we wished to take
the fort, and at the hour of vespers and later
the [other] Spaniards mounted through the
wooded hills to a flat place which is formed on
the other side of the mountain where Mango
Inga had his stronghold. The Indians, on
perceiving how the Spaniards were descending

Relation 403

from that place, came to give Mango Inga
news of it at the fort, and when he learned of
it, three Indians took him by the arms and,
bearing him between them, carried him over
the river which I mention and which runs
close to this fort, and they bore him down the
river a space and hid him in the forests, and
the rest of the Indians who were there dis-
appeared, and they fled in many directions,
taking refuge in the woods. When we saw
that they were fleeing, we dashed onwards to
the fort, but -no Indian could be captured,
and so it was not learned that Mango Inga
was there and that it was not he who had
fled down the river. And before everything
else we hurried up the road, believing that
the Spaniards who had gone that way might
have fallen in with him, and that for this reason
he was not captured. For, had we known
that he was in the fort, he would not have
escaped us, because we Spaniards and [our
Indian] friends would have found him if all
of us had not gone up the mountain believing
that he was there. And so Mango Inga had

404 Pedro Pizarro

a chance to betake himself away and hide
himself in the forests with some Andes In-
dians of this land, who hid him. 123 And al-
though we returned to seek for him and
wandered about for two months from one
place to another in pursuit of him, we were
never able to find him, and so we returned to
Cuzco, taking some of his people, and among
them a woman of Mango Inga’s who loved
him greatly, and she was held in the belief
that through her peace might come. Later
on the Marquis ordered that this woman be
killed at Yucay, causing her to be beaten
with rods and pierced by arrows on account
of a joke which Mango Inga played upon
him and which I shall here relate. And I
understand that, for this cruelty [and for
one which he wrought upon] another sister of
the Inga whom he ordered killed at Lima
when the Indians laid siege to the city, who
was called Azarpay, I believe that our Lord
punished him in the end which was his, and
[punished] Almagro for the brothers of the
Inga whom he slew, as I have said.

Relation 405

While the Marquis was at Arequipa for
the purpose of founding the settlement of
Spaniards which he established there, news
reached him that Mango Inga had sent mes-
sengers to Cuzco to tell the Marquis to go to
Yucay, and to say that he himself would
repair to him there in peace. When the
Marquis received this news he set forth with-
out founding the village, and, having arrived
at Cuzco, he took twelve chosen men, for the
Inga had besought him to go thither with
but three or iour, the more easily to betray
and kill him, if so he might. But, being
wary and suspicious, the Marquis chose, as
I say, twelve men, and among them his
brother Gonzalo Pizarro, and taking with
him the wife of Mango Inga and the other
woman, he went to Yucay, and from there he
sent messengers to the Inga, and the Inga
sent messengers to the Marquis, saying that
he would come forth in peace. When this
news reached the Marquis, he sent to him
[Mango Inga] a foreign pony together with a
negro and some presents and gifts. While

406 Pedro Pizarro

these were upon their way, Mango Inga sent
certain warriours to attack the Marquis, and
these captured the pony and the negro and
killed them, as well as some of the Indians
who were going with the presents. But some
[Indian] friends made their escape and gave
information about it to the Marquis, [telling]
how the pony and the slave and the rest of the
Indians had died, and in his anger about this
the Marquis ordered that this wife of Mango
Inga be killed. Tying her to a stake with
some rushes, they beat her and shot at her
with arrows until she died. The Spaniards
who were present there said that this Indian
woman never spoke a word nor uttered a
complaint, and so she died under the blows
and arrow shots which they gave her. It is
a thing worthy of admiration that a woman
should neither complain nor speak nor make
any moaning even in the pain of her wounds
in the moment of death. Then, too, in Lima,
the Marquis ordered that another Indian
woman, sister and wife of Atabalipa, whose
name I have given, should be slam. This

Relation 407

Azarpay, when they killed Atabalipa, came
to Xauxa with Tubalipa his brother, and
after the death of this Tubalipa, the pay-
master of His Majesty, Navarro, asked the
Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro for this
Indian woman, believing that he would get
through her a great treasure, and, indeed, she
might well have given it to him, for she was
one of the greatest ladies of this kingdom,
and very highly venerated and esteemed by
the natives. When this lady learned how the
Marquis wished to give her to the paymaster
Navarro, she disappeared one night and re-
turned to Caxamalca. Then it befell that,
when the land began to rise in revolt, Verdugo
was in Caxamalca with some Spaniards, and,
knowing about this lady, he took her prisoner
and brought her to Lima and gave her to the
Marquis. And while he held her in his
dwelling the Indians came to lay siege to
Lima. And a sister of hers, named Dona
Ines, by whom he had Dona Francisca, being
envious of this lady who was more important
than she, told the Marquis it was by com-

408 Pedro Pizarro

mand of this lady [Azarpay] that the Indians
had come to lay siege [to Lima] and that,
unless he killed her, the Indians would not
go away. So, without further consideration,
he ordered that she be garroted and killed,
whereas he might just as well have embarked
her upon a ship and sent her from the land. 124
I have wished to tell about these two ladies
for they were killed without consideration,
and without regard to the fact that they were
women and were blameless. And before I
forget it, I shall relate a method which these
Lords of this kingdom had for keeping the
warriours contented and so that they be taken
away from their lands as little as might be and
[might experience few] long absences. These
Lords, then, had in their camps and armies
many unmarried women, the daughters of
orejones, of caciques and of the chief men of
the land, for, among these Indians, no account
of it is taken whether or no their daughters
be virgins, nor were they ever restrained until
they were married. And, as I say, many of
these women went with their fathers and

Relation 409

brothers to war, and they had the custom of
going out into the fields on every rainless night,
as well these women as the men, and they
formed many choruses, each one being distant
a little from the others. And the men took
the women by the hands and the women the
men, and they made, as I say, a closed circle,
and while one of them sang in a high voice the
others replied while dancing around and
around. These dances were heard from afar
off, and all the free women and unmarried
Indian men hurried to them, the ore jones
going to one special place, and in each prov-
ince it was the same. Then, while they were
singing and dancing thus, it was the custom
among them for the Indian man to take the
Indian woman whom he held by the hand out
of the circle and, going off a little way, to do
his will with her, after which they came back
to the dance, and so did they all do, each one
in his turn. With this vice and with that of
drinking, the war-Hours were kept contented,
and they did not hanker for their lands. And
for these warriours, as I say above, the Ingas

410 Pedro Pizarro

had great deposits of food in all the provinces,
as well as stores of clothes and of all that was
necessary for the soldiery, as I have said.

The Marquis determined to found two
towns, the town of la Plata in the Charcas
and that of Arequipa, cutting up the large
repartimientos which he had given in order
to create more citizens. In these settlements
and repartimientos Picardo, the secretary of
the Marquis, did much harm to many men,
for the Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro, not
knowing either how to read or how to write,
trusted in him, and only did those things
which he advised, and thus this man did much
harm in these kingdoms, for he destroyed him
who was not ever acting according to his
[Picado’s own] will and serving him. And
this man Picado was the cause of the great
hatred which those of Chile took to the Mar-
quis and for which they killed him, for this
man [Picado] desired that all should reverence
him, and those of Chile took little heed of
him, and for this reason this man persecuted
them much, and so it was that those of Chile

Relation 411

came to do what they did do. This fellow
Picado was brought out by Don Pedro de
Alvarado, and this said Picado went to com-
mand in this kingdom of Peru with the
Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro and the con-
querors. And as the conquerors relied upon
their services given to His Majesty in dis-
covering and conquering this kingdom [to
win them just rewards], they paid no heed
to Picado nor respected him as he desired, and
for this reason all the greater part of the
conquerors were left with the smallest part
[of the fruits of their labours] and with the
worst luck of any of all those who today have
encomiendas in this kingdom. And those who
respected this man and wrought his desires,
[profited much for] he had such weight with
the Marquis that he gave them of the best,
taking it away from them who had conquered
and won it. And our Lord was served and he
gave permission that, while this man was on
his throne of power, those of Chile should
subject him to tortures and cut off his head in
the plaza of the city of the Kings, and, even

412 Pedro Pizarro

as he had endeavoured to take away the good
fame of those who had conquered and won
this kingdom with so much toil and so many
deaths as those which occurred in it, so there
remained no memory of him.

When the Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro
perceived that Mango Inga had made a mock
of him in Yucay, as has been told, he went to
Cuzco, and [presently] he made the settle-
ment and founded the town of la Plata and the
city of Arequipa, taking the best away from
the conquerors and giving it to the friends of
Picado and to men recently come from Spain
who were present in the battle of las Salinas.
On his [Picado’s?] behalf, I say, they took
away the best, for, as I have said, when the
Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro and we
Spaniards entered Cuzco for the first time in
order to found this city of Cuzco of Spaniards,
and because they wished to remain and settle
there, because of which they did remain, to
the great peril of their lives, he gave and al-
lotted to them who stayed there all the In-
dians of whom he had information, and later

Relation 413

he took them away, and he settled these men
in these two towns, the town of Plata and the
city of Arequipa, leaving, as I say, the worst
and the least to those to whom previously he
had given all things, and I speak [in accord-
ance with] the opinion of his secretary Aman.
When the foundation of these two villages
was completed the Marquis Don Francisco
Pizarro returned to the city of the Kings
where he was for some days until those of
Chile assembled in this city under the plea
that they were awaiting the arrival of Vaca
de Castro who was coming as a judge to hold
a residencia upon the Marquis. So all those
of Chile [gathered] together in this city and
awaited the arrival of Vaca de Castro so that
if he did not kill Don Francisco Pizarro and
did not give to them the land, they might kill
him, together with the Marquis Don Francisco
Pizarro. But it so befell that when Vaca de
Castro embarked at Panama in order to come
to this land, he had so bad a voyage upon the
sea that he had perforce to disembark at
Buena Ventura, although I should call it

414 Pedro Pizarro

Mala [Ventura], because he who is coming to
Peru and has to take port there against his
will, as happened to Vaca de Castro, experi-
ences a sufficiency of bad luck. Having,
then, disembarked at this port, Vaca de Castro
went up to Quito, very far from the city of
the Kings, by seven hundred leagues. Then,
those of Chile, seeing the long delay of Vaca
de Castro and knowing that there was news
of his embarkation at and departure from
Panama, and, seeing that it was not known
where he had taken port, they believed and
suspected that he was dead, and so those of
Chile determined to kill the Marquis and his
friends and raise a revolt in the kingdom.
They made so bold as to do this, for they saw
that the Marquis was alone and without
guards, for his brother Gonzalo Pizarro had
gone to discover the great river which,
flowing through the Andes, comes out into
the northern sea, and he [Gonzalo Pizarro]
entered [the forests] by way of Quito, and
Orellana the one-eyed and Father Carbajal
came out upon the northern ocean in a brigan-

Relation 415

tine which Gonzalo Pizarro had made on this
river, sending Orellana and Father Carbajal
with orders to go on ahead, a little distance at
a time, scouting and awaiting him, and while
Gonzalo Pizarro was going along the shore
through the forests with his troops, this Orel-
lana and those who were with him mutinied,
and, without waiting for him [Gonzalo Pi-
zarro], went off and came out upon the north-
ern sea. Then, after going on, lost for some
months, and suffering in these forests much
hunger and iriany hardships, and not finding
populated land, Gonzalo Pizarro and his
troops returned to Quito. To return now to
those of Chile who had no news of Vaca de
Castro, and who determined to attack the
Marquis on a Sunday when he was at mass and
to kill him. The day before a priest named
Henao went by night and warned Picado the
secretary, saying to him: Those of Chile
have planned to kill the Marquis and you
and his friends when he goes out tomorrow to
Sunday mass; this one of the plotters has
told me in confession in order that I might

416 Pedro Pizarro

come to warn you. When Picado learned this,
he went at once and told it to the Marquis,
and he replied: This cleric wants a bishopric;
now I tell you, Picado, that his head will
answer for mine. The Marquis said this
because more than six months before they
had warned him from Cuzco and from all
directions that those of Chile were going to
assemble in Lima in order to slay him, and
this was so well known that a citizen of Cuzco
named Setiel, while he was with his Indians,
was told by their cacique: I give you to under-
stand that those of Chile are going to kill the
Apoo macho. For thus were they wont to
call him in this kingdom. Apoo with them
means Lord and they call him who is old
macho. When this [Spaniard] asked his
cacique: How did you learn it? the cacique
replied: My guaca told me about it. Guaca
is what these people call the demon who
speaks to them. His master said to him:
Go, for you are lying. The Indian said to
him: Come with me to my guaca and you
will see what it says. Then this citizen went

Relation 417

with his cacique to the place where the guaca
was, and speaking with it he [the cacique]
said: You told me that they were going to
kill the Apoo macho; say it before my master.
This citizen said that he had heard a voice
which replied to the Indian: It is true; I
told you that they were going to slay him.
Then this [Spanish] man was astonished, and
he wrote to the Marquis [recounting] what he
had heard. So to all those who spoke and
wrote to him in this vein the Marquis replied:
His head shall answer for mine. And fifty
friends and servants, of whom plenty offered,
were of more use. But having heard what
Picado said to him, he sent to summon Doctor
Juan Blasquez, his lieutenant-governor, and
Francisco de Chaves, citizens of Lima, taking
consultation with them as to what he should
do. Juan Blasquez said to him: Let your
Lordship have no fear, for while I have this
staff in my hand none shall dare [to attack
you]. And such health [i. e., faithfulness?]
was his that he did as he said, and later the
Indians of la Puna slew him and the bishop

418 Pedro Pizarro

while they were fleeing from those of Chile.
This bishop was Fray Vicente de Valverde,
the first bishop of Cuzco, and the first bishop
in this kingdom. Then they agreed in this
conference [between] the Marquis and Chaves
and Velasquez that, on the following day,
which was Sunday, the Marquis should not go
out to mass, but that he should feign an in-
disposition, and that they should say mass for
him in his house, and in the afternoon he was
to request all the cavalry to mount and go
to the dwelling of Don Diego de Almagro,
who was called thus, like his father, and to
take him prisoner, together with Juan de
Rada and Joan Balsa, two servants who had
belonged to his father and who were with
Don Diego de Almagro the lad when all the
meetings and plots took place. Having agreed
upon this course, Doctor Juan Velazquez and
Chaves went to their dwellings. When morn-
ing was come, those of Chile were in the dwell-
ing of Don Diego, or I should say some were,
those who were to go out afoot and enter the
church, for during the night they had secretly

Relation 419

entered the dwelling of Don Diego de Almagro,
which was hard by the cathedral where the
Marquis was wont to go to mass, and all
those of Chile were in readiness, and there
were more than two hundred of them, for,
on hearing of the mutiny, they all joined it.
Now that the hour of mass was come, and
seeing that the Marquis did not come out,
they [the Almagrists] sent a Biscay an priest
[who later went much with Centeno] to go and
learn why it was that the Marquis did not
fare forth to mass. Then it befell that the
Marquis sent to ask for a priest [to come and]
say mass for him. This Biscayan priest
offered to say it. And they say that those of
Chile sent after this cleric Juan Ortiz de
Zarate, who is now a citizen of Charcas, and
one Valdes, a scoundrel, [and] they sent them
to see what the Marquis was doing that he
came not forth to mass. And later those of
Chile said that Joan Ortiz and Valdes had
gone to tell them [the Almagrists] that they
[Pizarro and his men] were warned, and so
they used to sing afterwards Ortizico fue la

420 Pedro Pizarro

espia y Valdes deste mal que hecho es Little
Ortiz and Valdes were the spies in this evil
deed.

Those who were hidden in the house of Don
Diego de Almagro being warned, they said
that Juan de Rada and Don Diego and all
the rest of them had agreed to go forth pre-
tending that nothing was afoot and so break
up the gathering and to deny it if they were
questioned. While they were in agreement
about this, they say, a Sant Millan from the
bocudos of Segovia, not a valiant man, but
rather a poor thing, was taken possession of
by the devil, and he opened the door which
was shut and went out into the street, armed
and grasping a buckler, for all were waiting
for the Marquis to go in to mass. This Sant
Millan having opened the door, he threw
himself into the street and, shouting aloud,
he said: Come out all of ye and let us go to
slay the Marquis, for if not I shall tell how
we were ready to do it. Those inside and
Juan de Rada seeing that they were dis-
covered by the going out of Sant Millan, all

Relation 421

came out after him, shouting: Death to
traitors. Fifteen or sixteen armed men went
to the house of the Marquis where the Mar-
quis was talking with Doctor Juan Velasquez
and Francisco de Chaves and with his brother
Francisco Martin, and in the hall there were
more than forty men. Hearing the shouts,
a page of the Marquis named Tordoya went
to see what was forward, and [very soon]
thereupon they killed him. But seeing the
troops of Chile who were coming and the
many other men who were approaching, he
returned to the Marquis, crying out: My
Lord, those of Chile are coming to slay your
Lordship. Hearing this, the Marquis said to
Francisco de Chaves, a gentleman of Trujillo
who was married with Maria Descobar:
Senor Chaves, shut that door and guard me
while I arm myself. Chaves did just the
contrary, they say with evil intent, because
he knew that the Marquis Don Francisco
Pizarro had left him the governorship in a
will which he had made while he was sick
during the absence of Gonzalo Pizarro. And

Pedro Pizarro

with this malicious purpose, believing that he
would be left the governorship, he opened the
door of the hall, which was shut, and went out,
thinking that those of Chile would never kill
him, for he had never been opposed to them.
But when he came forth into a small passage-
way just beyond the door in order to go down
some steps, those of Chile were going up the
stairway, and there they met him, and they
say that Chaves said : [Kill] not friends. But
Juan de Rada, who was in the lead, gave a
sign with his eye to those behind him to kill
him [Chaves], and so they slew him half way
up the steps, giving him many blows. Then
those who were in the hall, and Doctor Juan
Velasquez, threw themselves through a door
and from that door into a corridor which gave
upon the river, and they hurled themselves
through some windows which there were in
the corridor, and they began to flee, some in
one direction, some in another, leaving the
Marquis alone with his brother Francisco
Martin and with the page Tordoya. When
those of Chile came in they attacked Fran-

Relation 423

cisco Martin, who was in the door of the
chamber with Tordoya. When the Marquis
heard them entering, he came out with some
breastplates half buckled on to aid his brother
Francisco Martin, and they fought so sturdily
with those of Chile that, although the latter
came armed, while they were not, they killed
two of them, and, in the end, as they were left
alone and without arms, and as those of
Chile were many, the latter gave them so
many wounds that they killed the Marquis
and his brother and his page. In all this time
the Marquis received no succour, and when
the citizens began to gather together, the
plaza was already filled with Chilean cavalry
and infantry. They say that the Marquis
died asking for confession and making the “f”
with his hand and with [his crucifix] pressed
to his mouth. 125

The Marquis having been slain, those of
Chile assembled more than three hundred
men, and others joined them, who numbered
more than five hundred. They took Picado
prisoner, and, sending troops to Arequipa,

424 Pedro Pizarro

upon the road between Nasca and Yea in a
desert which lies there, they took prisoner the
factor Guillen Xuarez de Carbajal and Pedro
Pizarro, and in Lima they captured Diego de
Aguero and other friends of the Marquis.
They took all the arms and horses which there
were in the town and in the environs, and they
caused arquebuses to be made by a master
of the art who was in Lima, for a chaplain
of Don Diego had discovered by deceitfully
asking him to make an arquebuse for hunting
[that the man knew how to do it] for it was his
purpose, as they said later, to find out if he
knew how to do it so that he could not deny
that he did later on. For, as they had plotted
to kill the Marquis and to raise the land in
rebellion, they went about to discover who
would make arquebuses for them, and so they
sent out this cleric in order that, with guile,
he might have a hunting arquebuse made and
so find out who among the blacksmiths who
were in Lima knew how to do it. And so,
with this man’s [the smith’s] agency they
made arquebuses, and they took him about

Relation 425

with them wherever they went in the battles
and encounters which there have been in
this land. I shall pass over them briefly,
although I was in all of them in the service of
His Majesty and under his Royal standard,
except in that of Quito, in which I did not
take part for the reason that Gonzalo Pizarro
had taken away from me my Indians and had
exiled me to Charcas because I did not wish
to follow him. And of these [battles] other
chroniclers treat, as I have learned, availing
themselves of persons who have taken part
in them, doing so for two reasons: to inform
themselves of how events took place and to
seek their interest [in return for which] they
[the chroniclers] would mention them [the
informants] in the chronicle, receiving two or
three hundred ducats if they put them very
prominently into what they wrote. They say
this about Cieza in [respect to] a chronicle
which he wished to write by means of what he
heard, and, I believe, very little through what
he saw, because, in truth, I do not know him
as one of the first men who entered into this

426 Pedro Pizarro

kingdom. And, accordingly, all that I write
in this document I saw and understood,
except, as I say, the first discovery, up to the
time when the Marquis went to ask for the
governorship . 12 6

Returning now to those of Chile who were
in Lima supplying themselves with arms and
arquebuses, I shall relate what the citizens
and justices did in the [other] cities. It so
happened that, some days before, the Marquis
Don Francisco Pizarro had given leave to
Peralvarez, a gentleman from Caceres, to
assemble as many as one hundred men and go
into the [country of] the Chunchos, which is
in the Andes and forests which I have men-
tioned. This Peralvarez being in the Collao
with about thirty men whom he had collected,
received news of the death of the Marquis,
and he returned to Cuzco with the thirty men
whom he had and with some others who
joined him when the death of the Marquis
was known. When he arrived in Cuzco, the
citizens and soldiers who were there received
him with much contentment and chose him

Relation 427

for their captain, and then they wrote to the
city of Arequipa and to the town of la Plata
[and] to Charcas, informing them how they
had chosen as captain Peralvarez Holguin,
and [inviting them] all to come to Cuzco and
form a fighting force to resist those of Chile,
[urging them] to come with all speed before
those of Chile should learn of it. When the
citizens of Arequipa received this news, they
all assembled together and came to Cuzco,
and there they took Garcilaso de la Vega as
their captain; and those of the town of
la Plata did likewise, bringing as their captain
Pero Anzures. When all were thus brought
together they chose as their leader Pedro
Alvarez Holguin, and all in a body set forth
for Xauxa in order to join forces with Alonso
de Alvarado, who was in Chachapoyas, and
who, they learned, had sixty men hi readiness
for war, and from there they went in search
of Vaca de Castro. 127

I shall leave off, for the nonce, my account
of those who were journeying as I say, and
returning to those of Chile who were in Lima,

428 Pedro Pizarro

they determined to kill those whom they
held prisoners who were: Don Gomez de
Luna, Juan Ortiz de Guzman, one Chaves
(a nephew of Francisco Chaves), Luis de
Ribera, Pedro Pizarro, Manjarres, Espinosa,
Navarro, and the secretary Picado. While
they were in the determination to kill these
men whom they held prisoners, and while
they were very indignant because the bishop
fray Vicente de Valverde and Doctor Vel-
asquez had fled from them and, as I say,
while fleeing in a balsa were killed by the
Indians of the island of la Puna, as well as
on’e Valdivieso whom I have named here,
while they were in this determination to kill
these men, the licentiate Nino who came from
Spain arrived, and when those of Chile
took counsel of him as to what they should
do as regarded the death they wished to
inflict upon these prisoners, they said that
he had advised them not to do it, for it would
appear clear that they were tyrannical and
were acting against His Majesty, and that
[if they desisted it would seem that] they had

Relation 429

not killed the Marquis out of passion felt
by them on account of the death of Almagro.
On this account, it was said, did they desist
from killing those already named, and they
tried to make friends of them, but they had
no faith in five of these, who were Luis de
Ribera, and Pedro Pizarro, and Monjarres,
and Antonio Navarro, and Espinosa, whom
they placed aboard a ship [in charge] of a
skipper who was called Pero Gomez, placing
arquebusiers over them as guards, and order-
ing the skipper to take them to the port
of Arequipa. 128 These men saved themselves
afterwards by giving to the skipper, Pero
Gomez, five hundred ducats which Pedro
Pizarro had in an order against the inspector
Saucedo. The skipper one night set them
free from their imprisonment and gave them
arms with which they mutinied, together
with the ship, and they went in search of
Vaca de Castro, landing at Trujillo. Having
won free of the bad opinion [in which the
public] held* those of Chile for wishing to
kill those named, their fury broke loose in

430 Pedro Pizarro

their slaying of the secretary Picado and one
Orihuela de Salamanca. 1?9

While [those of Chile] were making ready
to go to Xauxa in search of Pero Alvarez,
there were certain differences of opinion
among them as to the leadership, and Juan
de Rada took prisoner one captain Chaves
of the Chileans and another [captain] Ba-
chiller Enriquez, and a soldier who was one
of those who had gone to kill the Marquis,
and taking them prisoner one night [Rada
caused his men] to take them to the sea
where they placed them aboard a ship, and
Bachiller Enriquez and Chaves were gar-
roted and thrown into the ocean, and they
exiled the soldier, and afterwards his name
was kept quiet lest he be drawn and quartered.
He who was the chief man in the camp of
those of Chile was Juan de Rada, 130 and
second place [was held by] Joan Balsa, who
had been servants of Don Diego de Almagro,
notwithstanding the fact that there were
many high-born gentlemen among them, such
as a brother of Diego de Alvarado whom

Relation 431

later, out of fear, they themselves killed in
Cuzco, saying that he wished to make [him-
self] the leader and kill the son of Don Diego
de Almagro whom they had as a figurehead,
although he neither had charge of anything
nor was fit to have. Those whom I mention
being dead, Joan de Rada and the men of
Chile set forth from Lima, some five hundred
strong, and before they arrived at Xauxa
some men fled from them, and among them
were the factor Guillen Xuarez and his brother,
the licentiate’Carbajal and Pablo de Meneses.
When they had arrived two days’ journey
from Xauxa, they received news that Pero
Alvarez Holguin two days previously had
gone hurriedly from Xauxa in order to avoid
those of Chile [and that he and his men]
were gone to join forces with Alonso de
Alvarado, and that all together they had
set up their Camp in a province which is
called Guaraz, and from there they- sent
messages to Vaca de Castro who, they learned,

was in Piura. 131
Returning now to those of Chile, Joan de

432 Pedro Pizarro

Rada was ill from a blow which he had
received in the leg when he went in to kill the
Marquis and [was] on a stairway where he
fell. When he learned what had befallen
the people of Cuzco and that they [his men]
could not stir them into revolt, this Joan de
Rada felt such pain on understanding his
doom that, they say, it made his leg swell
up and gave him paroxysms, and when he
arrived at Xauxa he died, leaving one Sotelo
as chief of those [of Chile] with Joan Balsa
[as lieutenant]. When they were arrived
at Xauxa, they sent the brother of Diego de
Almagro with troops to scout the coast and
enter Arequipa, there to steal all that might
be found, and then to go to Cuzco where they
were to re-fit, and to make some artillery;
and so they did, making many firearms of
copper and three falconets, and they collected
more than two hundred arquebuses. When
Alvarado arrived at Cuzco from Arequipa
they slew him, deceitfully saying that he
wished to kill Don Diego de Almagro the
lad. He had certain soldiers in his dwelling,

Relation 433

and they killed him even while they embraced
him.

Being now very well prepared and supplied
with all that they needed, they set forth in
search of Vaca de Castro. Then Vaca de
Castro learned of the troops who were in
Guaraz, and, with those whom he himself
brought, who had come from Puerto Viejo,
Quito, Piura and other parts, he had a strong
enough force to attack those of Chile, and
we who had disembarked from the ship [at
Trujillo] were [also] journeying from Piura,
where we had fallen hi with him, and, when
we were arrived at Guaraz after short marches,
Vaca de Castro rested there for some days,
and, having made his troops ready, he marched
toward Guamanga.

On arriving at Guamanga we had news
that Don Diego the lad was coming in search
of us and was now very near. The licentiate
Vaca de Castro determined to go out to
receive him, and so he ordered that we all
go out with him, and we went to set up the
Camp on some plains hard by the high bare

434 Pedro Pizarro

hills of Chupas, for so is [the place] called. 132
While we were here we sent scouts every day
[to explore], and we had news that he [Don
Diego de Almagro the lad] was coming
to give us battle, and, as it was learned later,
on seeing the camp of Vaca de Castro from
atop these hills, they wished to avoid us,
and so, skirmishing with our men, they
went retiring. Understanding their inten-
tion, Vaca de Castro marched with the whole
camp against them, climbing the hills, and
one hour before sundown a battle was joined
which lasted until dark night descended,
because certain squads of cavalry became
confused, some with others, and stayed in
the fight an hour and a half without knowing
victory, and then they rested, being thus
mixed up, to gain breath for new fighting;
and so we kept on fighting, as I say, until
nightfall, and our infantry sang the song of
victory, and by this the cavalry of Almagro’s
side was disheartened, for they were divided
into two parts and were fighting with two
other squads made up of cavalry from our

Relation 435

side. And, in truth, we were in danger of
being lost because Vaca de Castro took,
from two companies of horse who were
attacking one of the squads of Chilean cavalry,
forty picked men in order that they might
remain in his guard, for he believed that
those of Chile would not divide up their
cavalry, and he had set these two squads
aside so that they might go to any point
where there was need of them. But when
those of Chile, saw these two squads set apart,
they divided their cavalry into two portions,
sending the strongest against these especially
good companies, believing that there was
Vaca de Castro. So we, in these two com-
panies, were forced to run into the greatest
danger, and so, as I say, we had to rest
three or four times, and as those of the main
body of our cavalry and infantry were sing-
ing the victory, our two companies, with
their captains, passed through the centre of
our enemies, leaving them whole, for they
were very well armed and were the flower
of those of Chile, albeit we had killed almost

436 Pedro Pizarro

all their horses, because, as we could not
wound them themselves, they being so well
armed, we attacked the horses, and so we
killed and wounded almost all of them. Then
it befell that while we were singing the
victory, Vaca de Castro, who was on a slope
with the forty men whom, as I say, he had
picked out, looking at the fighting, heard the
[song of] victory of his troops and came on the
run, and, as it was dark, he believed that he
was passing among his own soldiers, but he
entered [instead] a Chilean squad through
which the two companies which I have
mentioned had passed without being able to
destroy them. When Vaca de Castro was
recognized by those of Chile as the man
who thus came among them, they began to
attack [him and] his men with great fury,
and so they wounded and killed some of
Vaca de Castro’s men and hurled them back
upon themselves against their will. And
so Vaca de Castro [finally] took refuge among
his own men, who were now all gathered
together into a squadron, and very desirous

Relation 437

of returning to attack these Chileans who had
maltreated them [but] who had now fled, per-
ceiving that they were now alone and that
the rest of their side were now routed and in
flight. The captain of these horsemen of
Chile was one Hernando de Saavedra, a valiant
lad.

Vaca de Castro, having won this victory,
set forth on the morning of the next day for
Guamanga, sending some captains ahead of
him in order that they might gather together
those of Chile ‘who had gone to the churches
and monasteries of Guamanga to hide them-
selves. Don Diego de Almagro the lad took
the Cuzco road and went thither. When this
was learned by Vaca de Castro he sent a
captain with fifty cavalrymen in pursuit of
him and they overtook and captured him in
Cuzco. Another captain, Diego Mendez,
went with four men to where Mango Inga was,
who received them kindly and kept them in
his company. These men came later to kill
Mango Inga by a trick, giving him stabs with
a knife which they carried hidden, for he

438 Pedro Pizarro

did not let them carry arms. These Spaniards
did this because they found an opportunity
for it, Mango Inga having sent [most of]
the warriours whom he had with a captain to
a certain place, and it chanced that this
captain returned with the warriours the day on
which they had killed Mango Inga, and he
killed the Spaniards who had slain him
[Mango], and if this captain had not come upon
this day, Diego Mendez and the rest would
have escaped.

When Vaca de Castro had arrived at Guam-
anga with the victory which he had gained
upon the plains of Chupas, he there did justice
upon the most guilty to the number of thirty
men, and he exiled many others; others fled
and could not be found. In this battle of
Chupas more than two hundred men died
on the two sides, and, among them, the general
Pero Alvarez Holguin. Those of Chile num-
bered somewhat more than five hundred men.
They had two hundred and fifty arquebusiers
and three falconets which shot egg-shaped balls.
Those of the cavalry were all armed with

Relation 439

trappings of copper and silver and with other
arms which they had, and all were extremely
well armed, forming a bellicose and courageous
body of soldiers. Vaca de Castro had about
seven hundred men, and among them some-
thing under three hundred arquebusiers. His
troops were badly armed because their arms
had been stolen by those of Chile, and there
had been too little time to enable them to
provide themselves with others. This punish-
ment having been carried out, Vaca de Castro
set forth from Ouzco, and having arrived there,
he did justice upon Don Diego de Almagro
the lad and others who were there. He was
there for some time studying the affairs of
government, and he had news that Gonzalo
Pizarro had set forth from Quito and was
coming to Cuzco with about twenty men.
Then, in preparation for his coming, he
[Castro] gathered his friends around him,
and when Gonzalo Pizarro arrived at Cuzco
with four or five men he received him well.
And while they were thus for a space of some
days, Gonzalo Pizarro asked for leave to go

440 Pedro Pizarro

to see some Indians whom he had in Charcas,
and, when it was given to him, Gonzalo
Pizarro set forth with three or four servants,
and Vaca de Castro set forth for Lima, and
on the road he had news of the coming of the
Viceroy, Blasco Nunez Vela.

I shall now enumerate the provinces which
there are in this land. Puerto Vie jo is a
province. The island of la Puna is another.
Tumbez and Solana and Parina are another.
Tangarala, la Chira and Pohechos are another.
Piura, Sarran Motupe, Cinto and other small
valleys which there are as far as Chimo where
the city of Trujillo is now established form
another. As far as the neighbourhood of
Lima there are some valleys which count as
one province. Lima, Pachama [sic], Chincha,
Yea, Lanasca, as far as Hacari, are another.
From Hacari to Tambo is another. From
Tambo to Tapica is another. This is along
the coast of the southern ocean. Some of
these provinces have a length of one hundred
leagues and more, the greater part of it being
desert. There are others sixty, fifty and

Relation 441

forty [leagues long] in the same nature as I
describe, having many sandy wastes and
deserts between one valley and the next.
I shall now tell of the mountain provinces.
Quito is a large province, and the Canares,
Tomebambas and Cajas form another prov-
ince. Caxamalca, Guamalchuco and the
Guambos form another province. Guailas is
another province. Tarama and Atabillos and
Bombon are another province. Xauxas Guan-
cas is another province. Soras and Llucanas
are another prdvince. Chachapoyas is another
province. Guanca Chupachos is another
province. Guamanga is another province.
From Xauxa to Cuzco there is the province of
Andaguailas, another called Parcos de Ore-
jones, another called Vilcas and some valleys
which there are as far as Cuzco, such as
Avancay, Aporima, Tambo, Xaquixaguana
and Cuzco. These are almost all separate.
Leaving Cuzco there is a province called
Mohina. From Cuzco to Mohina there is a
distance of four leagues, a valley entirely
populated on both sides by ore j ones. Con-

442 Pedro Pizarro

desuyo is another province. It is very large
and has many people, and has very mountain-
ous land, and in this province there are differ-
ent costumes. Notwithstanding that it was
all called Condesuyo, this province is more
than sixty leagues long. It is in the mountains
toward the southern ocean. Leaving this
Mohina already mentioned, there are other
villages of orejones until one enters
the province of the Canches. This province
of the Canches measures twenty leagues.
Beyond it is another province called Collao,
which measures sixty leagues and more. On
one side of this province are the Carangas,
and there is another called Quillacas which
borders upon this. Next to this comes another
province which is called Charcas, another
which is called Amparaes, and another which
is called Chichas. From here one takes to the
desert in order [to go to] Chile and Tucuman.
Toward the northern ocean is the province of
the Andes. This is a very long mountain-
chain populated, in some places, very scantily.
The Inga named and divided up all these

Relation 443

provinces just named into four parts: One,
and the most important and having the most
people and the best climate, was called
Chincha and Suyo, for they gave to this
province the name which the village of Chin-
cha bore, because, as Atabalipa said when the
Marquis asked him how it was that the Lord
of Chincha was carried in a litter whereas all
the other Lords of the realm appeared before
him bearing a burden and barefooted, this
Lord of Chincha was anciently the greatest
Lord of the plains, and he used to send out
from his village alone one hundred thousand
balsas [to ride upon] the sea, and because he
[Chincha] was his [Atabalipa’s] great friend,
and on account of this greatness of Chincha,
they gave the name of Chincha and Suyo to
the lands from Cuzco to Quito, which is [a
distance of] almost four hundred leagues.
They gave a name to another part which they
called Condesuyo, which is a province that
contains others within itself [and lies] toward
the southern ocean. Condesuyo bore this
name of Conde because the Indians of this

444 Pedro Pizarro

province were called Condes. The third
part they called Collasuyo because the Indians
of this Collao call themselves Collas. This
province contains others already named as
far as the sea of the South. The distance from
Mohina to Chichas where the desert is
entered [to go to] Chile is more than one
hundred and fifty leagues. The fourth prov-
ince, which they called Andesuyo, is all of
forests which stretch from Puerto Viejo to the
river of la Plata, and one province, which is
called Tucuman, has a length of five hundred
leagues. They gave the name of Andesuyo
to this mountain-chain toward the northern
sea because the Indians who live in these
mountains are called Andes, and in this
manner they took these names which they
fixed upon Chicha [sic] and Suyo, upon
Condesuyo, Collasuyo and Andesuyo. Each
of these provinces had languages almost
the same, although they differed slightly. 133
Returning now to the coming of Blasco
Nunez Vela to this kingdom as Viceroy, he
put so much confusion into all affairs [on

Relation 445

account of] the provisions which he brought
against those who were living in this kingdom,
because he came publishing and executing
them [the provisions], that he was the cause
of stirring into revolt this whole kingdom.
And most of those in this kingdom set their
eyes upon Gonzalo Pizarro in order to make
him their chief and to postpone what Blasco
Nunez brought, and so they sent him letters
from all the cities and towns calling him.
While Gonzalo Pizarro was in a village of his
called Chaquilla, they of the city of la Plata
sent [messengers] to settle down there and to
treat with him to go and be procurator
general of these realms in order to beg [a
postponement] of what Blasco Nunez brought
and other things which were to be introduced
among them. When Gonzalo Pizarro under-
stood the will of the people of this kingdom, he
sent Diego Centeno and general Pedro de
Hinojosa to Cuzco to learn if it were correct
as to what they had written [from there] of
their wishes, and in order to bring to Cuzco
some falconets which Vaca de Castro had left

446 Pedro Pizarro

in Guamanga. And within a few days after
these men had been sent off, he set forth for
Cuzco, and there they named him as captain
and procurator. While this was going on,
Blasco Nunez Vela entered the city of the
Kings, 134 and, when he learned that the king-
dom was in revolt and that Gonzalo Pizarro
had entered Cuzco, he took Vaca de Castro
prisoner, fixing upon him a blame which was
not his, declaring that he had been the cause
of the uprising of Gonzalo Pizarro, and this
certainly was not the truth, for he who was to
blame for everything was Blasco Nunez and
his too scant silence, and his way of coming
into the country publishing broadcast all
that he was going to do against the citizens
and more besides. When the Viceroy Blasco
Nunez knew that Gonzalo Pizarro was gather-
ing troops together, he sent some captains
whom he appointed to go and collect troops
and bring them to him, such as Geronimo de
Villegas, and this man did it for Gonzalo
Pizarro and went to him. He [Nunez] sent
to Arequipa the treasurer Manuel Despinar

Relation 447

to bring the citizens, and some of them, like
Pedro Pizarro, Gomez de Leon, Alonso Rod-
riguez, Picado, 135 Luis de Leon, Flores, went,
but the rest went to Gonzalo Pizarro. Then,
when we had arrived at Lima, we found that
the oidores had taken the Viceroy Blasco
Nunez Vela prisoner because he had killed the
factor Guillen Xuarez de Carbajal for the
reason that a body of soldiers had gone
forth from his house to Gonzalo Pizar-
ro. 138 When Gonzalo Pizarro learned of the
imprisonment* of the Viceroy, which he learned
at Vilcas while coming toward the city of
the Kings, and when he saw the many soldiers
who were arriving in his camp, he came to the
city of the Kings, where he was raised up as
governor, and took prisoner all the citizens
who had joined forces with Blasco Nunez
Vela, and he hung three of them before his
master of the camp, Carbajal, arrived, and
they were Pero del Barco, Martin de Floren-
cia, and other citizens of Guamanga. He held
all the rest prisoners. Then it befell that Vaca
de Castro fled in a ship where he was held a

448 Pedro Pizarro

prisoner, and in his anger over this, Gonzalo
Pizarro ordered that all the prisoners be
slain, among whom were the licentiate Car-
bajal, Vasco de Guevara, Alonso de Caceres,
Pedro Pizarro, Melchor Verdugo, Flores, Al-
onso Rodriguez, Picado, and others, I know
not how many for I do not remember them.
Then he ordered Carbajal, his master of the
camp, to kill them. Carbajal went with one
Verdugo and certain arquebusiers who were
set as guard, and he ordered that priests
be called to confess us, and the first man whom
he ordered confessed was the licentiate Car-
bajal. And while he was occupied in this, a
page of Gonzalo Pizarro’s came to tell him
not to kill us, for they told us later that, when
he had told Carbajal to go and kill us, he
searched his heart while on his bed, and it
had seemed to him that he was committing
a great cruelty in killing so many men. And
when Carbajal arrived, they say that he
[Pizarro] said to him: It appears to me a
great cruelty to kill so many; how does it
seem to you? And [they say] that Carbajal

Relation 449

said to him: It is as your Lordship says. It
will be better to make friends of some of
them, and to confiscate the Indians of the rest
and exile them [the rest]. This seemed
good [advice] to Gonzalo Pizarro, and he
replied: Do, then, Carbajal, what seems to
you to be best. In the morning the soldiers
of Gonzalo Pizarro, when they did not see us
all dead upon the plaza, stroked their chins,
for they knew that Gonzalo Pizarro had
ordered that they kill us not. Then Carbajal
exiled Vasco cle Guevara to Guamanga, and
he exiled Pedro Pizarro, Luis de Leon, Alonso
Rodriguez and Picado to the town of la Plata,
and others to Chachapoyas, and the rest
he took with him, and from some he took away
their Indians, and then he set forth after
Blasco Nunez Vela who had been released
before Gonzalo Pizarro entered Lima, first pro-
viding with his own hand corregidores for all the
villages. He left Lorenzo de Aldana as cor-
regidor of Lima, and of Cuzco Alonso de Toro.
To Charcas he sent Francisco de Almendras
and with him Diego Centeno to bear him aid,

450 Pedro Pizarro

and soon Almendras arrived at Charcas
bringing with him as prisoners Pedro Pizarro,
Luis de Leon and Picado and Esquivel, exiles,
as I have said. Having arrived at the town
of la Plata, Almendras made Diego Centeno
alcalde. On behalf of Gonzalo Pizarro he
cut off the head of Don Gomez de Luna; as a
servitor of His Majesty he exiled Lope de
Mendoza and four other citizens who were
Retamoso, Vivanco, Herdon de Aldana and
Luis Perdome. Gonzalo Pizarro went in pur-
suit of the Viceroy Blasco Nunez Vela as far
as Quito and beyond it, and, as he could not
catch up with him, he returned to Quito where
he was until the Viceroy Blasco Nunez Vela
returned with troops whom he had gathered
in the new kingdom, and, believing that most
of the men whom Gonzalo Pizarro had would
pass over to his side when they saw his camp,
he came to Quito, where he gave battle to
Gonzalo Pizarro, and Gonzalo Pizarro van-
quished him and killed him. And, leaving
Pedro de Puelles as general in Quito, he
returned to the city of the Kings, having sent

Relation 451

general Hinojosa to Panama with troops in
order that he might be there [in case of need],
having first sent one Machicao. He also sent
one Palomino to Nicaragua.

To return now to Almendras, who was in the
town of la Plata. It seemed best to Centeno
to turn over a new leaf and to serve His
Majesty, and, treating with us who were exiled
and, by letter, with Lope de Mendoza, and
having agreed that we should take Almendras
prisoner and that we should raise the standard
in favour of His Majesty, in order to be
better able to do it, he besought Almendras
to lift the ban of exile resting upon Mendoza
and the rest. When leave was obtained and
these men had come together, Centeno went
one morning with some of us to the dwelling
of Almendras before he had arisen, and he
entered saying to him: We have news from
Gonzalo Pizarro. Almendras said to him:
Are they good news, brother? For thus they
addressed one another, for they were great
friends, because, before Centeno had Indians,
Almendras had him in his house and had done

452 Pedro Pizarro

him many favours, for Almendras was a
conqueror. Then Centeno came up to the
bed where Almendras was, pretending to hold
a letter, and he embraced him and said to him:
You are a prisoner. Almendras said: For
whom? Centeno replied: For the King. 137
Then said Almendras: Ah! My brother,
where is our friendship? Then the rest who
were with Centeno came up and took him
prisoner and brought him to the dwelling of
Centeno, and there he [Centeno] cut off his
head, as well as that of another man of the
party of Gonzalo Pizarro. Then the flag was
raised in favour of His Majesty, and, with about
one hundred men who joined us, we came to
Chucuito where we stopped, hoping that more
soldiers would be gathered together for us.
When Toro, corregidor of Cuzco, learned this
news, he assembled three hundred men and
came against us. Learning of his coming, Cen-
teno began to flee in retreat, and Toro pursued
us until he scattered us, some in one direction
and others in other [directions]. Centeno, with
about forty men who could follow him, entered

Relation 453

the deserts and province of Chichas, and Toro
returned to Cuzco. Centeno turned to come
out and, having assembled some troops,
came to establish himself at Paria. When
Gonzalo Pizarro learned of the uprising of
Centeno, he sent off Carbajal from the road
to Quito, along which he was travelling, and
when Carbajal was arrived at los Reyes, he
there assembled some troops and came to
Cuzco. And when he learned that Centeno
was in Paria, he assembled four hundred men
and went against him, causing him to flee.
Centeno turned back to Arequipa, and Car-
bajal followed after him until he had taken
away all his troops, and in this pursuit and
capture he [Carbajal] hung more than twenty
persons. Centeno and one Luis de Ribera
already mentioned hid themselves in some hills,
and the rest of us went in pairs wherever
chance threw us, seeking where we might be
hidden and so escape with our lives, although
they took and hung some of us, among whom
were Alonso Perez Castillejo, a citizen of
Charcas, and Luis Leon, a citizen of Are-

454 Pedro Pizarro

quipa, whom they caught at Guamanga and
killed, and in the city of Arequipa they killed
two men. One Alonso de Avila, who was
alcalde for Gonzalo Pizarro, killed them.
While things were thus, Carbajal went to
Charcas and fell in with certain troops who
had set forth from the river of la Plata, who
had gone with Felipe Gutierrez and with
Francisco de Mendoza, a gentleman of Bustos
de Estremadura. Then they killed this
Mendoza so as to get out of this journey from
the river of la Plata, for Mendoza, who was
their captain, did not let them get out of it.
Then it befell that Lope de Mendoza, he who
was going with Centeno and who was master
of the camp, had fled with four or five men
toward Chichas, and he fell in with these
soldiers who came from the river of la Plata,
and he called upon them to aid him and to go
against Carbajal, and they agreed to it. And
all together, taking Lope de Mendoza as
their leader, came in search of Carbajal, who
was now near the town of la Plata. But news
of this force came to Carbajal to the effect

Relation 455

that it contained about two hundred men.
Carbajal repaired to the place where he took
the command, and, assembling his troops and
making them ready, [he saw] that they were
somewhat more numerous than those of Lope
de Mendoza, [and so] he went against him,
who had taken refuge in the valley of Pocama
because it was a strong place, and there they
had their encounter, and Carbajal was almost
lost, for if Mendoza’s men had attacked him
with courage, they would have routed him.
But taking ‘better courage, Carbajal con-
quered and dispersed them, and he killed Lope
de Mendoza and hung many others, and so
he vanquished them. And, on coming to
the town of la Plata, he left as captain
Alonso de Mendoza, and Carbajal returned
in search of Gonzalo Pizarro, who was in Lima
in a sufficiency of fear, for he had news of the
coming of president Gasca and how he had
taken over the fleet. This news was spread
throughout all this land, and because of it we
[who were] the servitors of His Majesty took
courage and began to assemble more and to

456 Pedro Pizarro

sally forth in greater numbers. Then Arequipa
arose in favour of His Majesty, taking prisoner
Lucas Martinez, who was the corregidor of
Gonzalo Pizarro. This was the first town to
raise the standard of His Majesty on learning
of the coming of president Gasca. When this
was learned of by Centeno and Luis de Ribera,
they came out from where they were, and,
without entering Arequipa, they went to join
some friends at Hatuncana, a village of
Indians which is thirty leagues from Cuzco,
and from there they exchanged letters with
some friends in Cuzco who called upon him
[Centeno] to go [to Cuzco] so that all together
might join him in order to serve His Majesty.
So Centeno assembled about thirty of his
friends and, with them, went to Cuzco, and
one night he entered it and most [of Centeno’s
men] surrendered up, for thus it had been
agreed between them and the corregidor, who
was Hinojosa, a citizen of Cuzco, who, for
the honour he could gain, wished to betray
Centeno. When this was learned of in Are-
quipa and its neighbourhood, those of us who

Relation 457

were in flight together came to Arequipa, and,
all in a body, we set forth for Chucuito to wait
for Centeno, who came with two hundred men
whom he collected there, and all together we
went to fortify ourselves at the Desaguadero.
And while we were there, Alonso de Mendoza,
whom, as I said, Carbajal had left in the town
of la Plata, raised the standard of His
Majesty, and came to join forces with us.
When Gonzalo Pizarro learned this, he set
forth from Lima, the flower of his troops having
[already] fled from him, and he came in pur-
suit of us and gave us battle at Guarina, where
he beat us on account of our lack of a captain,
for Centeno was ill, and he did not take part
in the battle, and by the good strategy of
Carbajal we were vanquished. Our cavalry
having overcome that of Gonzalo Pizarro,
and Carbajal having, with his infantry, van-
quished ours, he saw that our cavalry had his
in a serious plight, and he gathered one hun-
dred arquebusiers and ordered them to enter
into our company of cavalry, which was all in
confusion, and to look [for a signal from]

458 Pedro Pizarro

Gonzalo Pizarro so that the rest might shoot
at once. And so it was that, with the entry of
these arquebusiers among us, they wounded
and killed many, and in spite of our quality
they routed us. According to what was
learned later on five hundred men, of the one
side and the other, died [in this battle], and
of Gonzalo Pizarro’s men they say that not
one hundred whole men were left. We of
Centeno’s force were more than seven hundred,
and those of Pizarro were as many as five
hundred. Having won this victory, Gonzalo
Pizarro returned to Cuzco, sending Carbajal,
the master of the camp, to Arequipa to sack it
and to slay those who might be able to rise
in rebellion against him, and to carry off
the wives of citizens who were his enemies.
And so it was done.

At this time the president Gasca was already
in this land, at Xauxa, and, when he had the
news of the defeat of Centeno, he collected
troops from all sides, and those of us who came
from Guarina with our lives came to join
forces with him, and so, with about eight

Relation 459

hundred men, we went to Cuzco in search
of Gonzalo Pizarro, passing through many
hardships, as it was the winter season. And we
were like to be lost at the place where we
crossed the bridge which we made over
the river that flows by Purima, because, if
Gonzalo Pizarro had sent Carbajal with some
men [against us], as they say he wished to be
sent, and just as he [Pizarro] did send two
hundred under Acosta to attack us after we
had crossed, hq would have beaten us and
put us in peril flight. But some of us having
crossed the bridge, we fell in with two men who
were fleeing from Juan de Acosta to the camp
of His Majesty, and they gave us news of his
[Acosta’s] coming, and, had Acosta travelled
without stopping, he would have taken as
many as one hundred of our men who had been
able to cross [the river], and perhaps [he would
have taken] a few more, and he would have
killed us, for he brought two hundred and fifty
men. And, as so few of us crossed over
it seemed to him that we were warned, and he
returned, and they said that Carbajal had

460 Pedro Pizarro

said to Gonzalo Pizarro: Lord, our Joan de
Acosta has betrayed us; these men are coming
forewarned. It seems to me that [it would be
best for] your Lordship to go back to the Col-
lao and leave me [here with] one hundred men,
whom I will choose, so that I may go and face
this chaplain. For thus he called the president.
They say that Gonzalo Pizarro did not trust
him enough to send him against the bridge.
He [Pizarro] went out with all his troops to
Xaquixaguana, and there he waited for us on a
plain near a high hill down which we were
coming. And certain it is that our Lord
blinded his understanding, for, if he had
waited for us at the foot of the slope, he would
have done great harm among us. [But] they
[Pizarro’s forces] withdrew to a plain adjoining
a marsh, believing that our army would at-
tack them there, and that they would avail
themselves of their advantageous position, and
also of some pieces of artillery they had, in
order to vanquish us. When we had come
down the slope to the plain, the president
ordered that his squadrons form and that we

Relation 461

all hold our ground until they should come to
attack us. Carbajal then saw that we had
understood his strategy, and he and all his
troops lost faith, and some of them began to
pass over into His Majesty’s camp, and others
to flee. Seeing this, we attacked them and
captured Gonzalo Pizarro and Carbajal, his
master of the camp, as well as all their cap-
tains, and so were they killed, and the land
was reduced to the service of His Majesty.
Gonzalo Pizarro had some good opportunities
to yield himself to the service of His Majesty,
but with his small intelligence he did not
do so, although Carbajal advised him to do it.
It was said that the licentiate Cepeda pre-
vented it, as he was so guilty. 138

The war of Gonzalo Pizarro being over,
president Gasca divided up the land, or I
should say, that part of it which he held.
He gave of the best to those who had been
tyrants and who had arisen with Gonzalo
Pizarro and followed him. Henceforth there
has been cause in this kingdom for the great
number of undeserving pretenders, for, when

462 Pedro Pizarro

they saw him give the best there was to men
to whom it would have been sufficient to give
pardon for their crimes, they found occasion
to seek and claim what was enough for them,
and it surpassed all sauciness that they should
be in this kingdom and not be chased from it.
I shall relate now some things about Carbajal,
Gonzalo Pizarro’s master of the camp. To
this Carbajal, master of the camp, they gave
Indians in this land [although he was] without
merit. He was very talkative, he spoke very
discreetly and gave pleasure to those who
heard him. He was a sagacious man, cruel
and well-versed in war. So it befell that while
this Carbajal was on the road in order to go to
Spain with some moneys which he had gained,
he set forth from Cuzco to the city of the
Kings in order to embark, and when he
arrived there he found it to be ordered by
Blasco Nunez Vela, who was coming as Vice-
roy, that no one should be allowed to leave the
country until he should arrive. Then, this
Carbajal understood the uprising that would
take place in this kingdom with the arrival

Relation 463

of Blasco Nunez Vela, and [he knew] that
Gonzalo Pizarro was in rebellion, and he un-
derstood what was destined to take place in
the land. He tried with much diligence to
leave the land, and as he was not able to do so
from the city of the Kings, he received news
that there was a ship at Arequipa belonging
to one Baltasar Rodriguez, and he determined
to go in search of it in order to see if he could
not leave this land. When he came to the city
of Arequipa he went to dwell in the house of
Pedro Pizarro,* whom he asked to speak to the
master [of the vessel], Baltasar Rodriguez,
and, on his behalf, to offer him three thousand
pesos to take him to Panama without touching
at any land. Carbajal did this after having
spoken to the master of the ship already
mentioned and after having offered him two
thousand five hundred pesos. [Then] he
asked Pedro Pizarro to speak to him and offer
three thousand. So Pedro Pizarro spoke to
him [Rodriguez] and offered him three thou-
sand pesos. Baltasar Rodriguez did not agree
to it, nor did he wish to, for he had secretly

464 Pedro Pizarro

given his word to Gonzalo Pizarro. Pedro
Pizarro told Carbajal that there was no way
for him to leave the land and that the master
[of the ship] had told him that, even though he
were to give ten thousand pesos, still he
would not take him, and it is true that the
master gave this reply, for he was angered with
Pedro Pizarro and said to him: You who
ought to aid on what concerns Gonzalo
Pizarro are going against him. Then, while
they were eating, and Carbajal having finished,
as well as the licentiate Leon and Pedro
Pizarro, Carbajal turned to ask of Pedro
Pizarro: Sir, tell me, what did the master
say to you? Pedro Pizarro replied to him:
Sir, I have already told you that he does not
wish to do it. Carbajal said: Why did he not
wish to, sir? And, saying these words, he
took a cup of wine which stood before him and
he drank it up, and, sighing as he finished it,
he said: Sir, how was it that the master did
not wish to take me? For I swear [that if you
make him take me] I shall make of
Gonzalo a good Gonzalo, and such that those

Relation 465

who are born shall tremble and those yet to be
born shall hold him in awe. Senor Pedro
Pizarro, funds, funds, for I wish to go to
Cuzco because the Viceroy is asking for me.
Gonzalo Pizarro sent to look for me. He
wished me to go to where he is. And it was so,
for Gonzalo Pizarro had despatched from
Cuzco Pedro Alonso de Hinojosa, who was
later a general of de la Gasca’s, with fifty
cavalrymen. [And he ordered him] to come
to Arequipa to seize Carbajal, for he had news
that he was” there, and to take away all the
arms and horses which might be found in
Arequipa in case the citizens did not wish to
go with him. Carbajal set forth, and, on
coming out of his dwelling, he said to Pedro
Pizarro, his host: Wait, sir, for I tell you
that they will come for you and for all the
citizens. This Carbajal was so wise that they
say that he had a familiar [spirit].

Having set out from Arequipa, Carbajal
had not gone four leagues when he fell in with
Hinojosa and the rest who were coming in
search of him. This hospitality which Pedro

466 Pedro Pizarro

Pizarro showed to Carbajal through the [will
of] God left him [Pizarro] alive, for Carbajal
twice had it in his power to kill him, and on
the second occasion he said to him: Sir, two
[lives] we have not, for such is life, and if again
I have you in my hands only God can grant
you life. This Pedro Pizarro named in this
writing, in order to serve His Majesty, did not
avail himself of the many offers which, at the
beginning, Gonzalo Pizarro made him, when
he began to revolt, for he [Gonzalo Pizarro]
offered to make him his captain and to make
him preeminent in his camp, all of which he
[Pedro Pizarro] put aside and refused in order
to serve his King and Lord, and so Gonzalo
Pizarro held him in order to kill him in the
city of the Kings, and at the request of Car-
bajal, his master of the camp, he did not kill
him. He [Gonzalo Pizarro] exiled him [Pedro
Pizarro] to Charcas, [and] took away his In-
dians. He [Pedro] lost more than thirty thou-
sand pesos and finally risked his honour and
his life many times in the service of his King
and Lord, denying his name and his blood.

Relation 467

This Carbajal killed many men, among them
a priest, a friar and a married woman, wife of
captain Geronimo de Villegas, here named.
He killed this woman because she spoke ill
of his camp. He hung the friar, after winning
the battle of Guarina, from a stone which over-
hung a sepulchre of the natives, for in the
Collao the natives use very high broad square
burial places. There are some two pikes high.
Having hung the friar from one of these, he
called Gonzalo Pizarro, and they say that he
said: Come, ‘your Lordship, with me [and let
me] show you a friar whom I have here who
is guarding a sepulchre. When Gonzalo
Pizarro went with him and saw the friar hang-
ing they say that he said : The devil take you,
Carbajal! How is it that you have done this?
They say that Carbajal said to him: This
friar was a very good postman who carried
letters from the chaplain to Centeno Verde,
and it is well that he now rest a little. They
say that he killed the priest for this same
offense. He died like a heathen, so they say,
for I did not wish to see the thing, and so said

468 Pedro Pizarro

I did not wish to see it. But the last time
he spoke to me [was when they were] taking
him to be killed, and the priest who was
going with him bade him commend himself to
God and say the Pater Noster and the Ave
Maria, and they say that he said Pater Noster,
Ave Maria, and then said no other word.

I shall now treat of the native women of
this kingdom. They were very submissive to
their husbands, so much so that the mountain
women were loaded and carried burdens like
the men, carrying tributes to the places where
the Lords ordered it to be sent. If it happened
that, while travelling along with a burden,
they gave birth to a child, they went aside a
little from the road in order to lie in, and
afterwards they went to where there was
water, and they washed the babe themselves,
and then they took it and threw it up on top
of the pack they were carrying and went
on travelling. I saw this several times.
Married Indian women who went to war with
their husbands, themselves bore the food for
them, the cooking vessels and even, in some

Relation 469

cases, chicha, which was a certain drink like
wine which they make from maize. From this
maize they made bread, chicha, vinegar and
hjney, and it serves as oats for the horses.
These Indian women arrived at a place as soon
as their husbands, and knew how to prepare
their food at once. The food of the poor
Indians was this maize already mentioned, and
herbs, potatoes and other vegetables which
they gathered, together with some small fishes
from the mountain rivers. Meat was raised,
but few ate it “save they were the Lords to
whom they were ordered to give it, and the
daughters of the Sovereigns of this land and
their kinsmen, who were many, for almost all
the orejones had kinship with the Sovereign.
These daughters of these Sovereigns of this
land, whom they called Coyas, which means
beloved Ladies, were much courted. They
were carried on the shoulders [of men], some in
litters, others in hammocks. Hammocks are
mantles fastened upon very thick sticks an
arm or more in thickness, and very skillfully
arranged, and, there stretched out, the Ladies

470 Pedro Pizarro

travelled, with coverings over them. These
[women] were very [well] served and much
feared, as well as delicate. They were well
provided with all that they wished and needed.
Common and lowly women kept chastity in
favour of their husbands after marriage, but
before that, as I have said, they did not hold
it to be a dishonour [to be bad], for their
parents took no account of whether they were
bad or good, as I have said. Among the Ladies
there were some tall ones, not among the
daughters of the Kings, but among [those of]
the orejones, their kinsmen. These Lords had
a house where they killed the cattle of the land
every day, and from there it was distributed
to the chief Ladies and orejones. This cattle
of the country multiplied very little, albeit
there were many of them in this land, for the
reason that all were [the property] of the
Sovereign, and no one killed them if he did
not wish it. This cattle served as beasts of
burden and as flesh when there was need of it.
These Ladies whom I mention were very clean
and dainty, and they wore their black hair

Relation 471

long upon their shoulders, for they tried to
have it very long. They considered themselves
beautiful, and almost all the daughters of
these Lords and orejones were so. The Indian
women of the Guancas and Chachapoyas and
Caflares were the common women, most of
them being beautiful. The rest of the woman-
hood of this kingdom were thick, neither
beautiful nor ugly, but of medium good-looks.
The people of this kingdom of Peru were white,
swarthy in colour, and among them the Lords
and Ladies wef e whiter than Spaniards. I saw
in this land an Indian woman and a child who
would not stand out among white blonds.
These people [of the upper class] say that they
were the children of the idols. 139

Hear what I heard an orejon say, a Lord of
this land. [He said] that five years, a little
more or less, before we Spaniards entered this
land, an idol at Purima which these Indians
had twelve leagues from Cuzco and to whom
they spoke, had ordered that all the Lords
gather together, for he wished to speak to
them. And, when they were assembled, he

472 Pedro Pizarro

said: You must know that bearded men
are coming who are destined to overcome you.
I have wished to tell you this so that you may
eat, drink and spend all that you have so they
may not find aught, nor you have anything
to give them. As I say, an old orejon who had
heard it told me this.

Within somewhat more than two years, Don
Sebastian de Castilla arose in rebellion in the
town of la Plata, province of Charcas. He
killed general Pedro de Hinojosa and his
lieutenant Castro. In this uprising N. de
Guzman and two gentlemen named Telloz
took part. This uprising lasted ten days
[only] because their very friends killed Don
Sebastian and the other guilty men, of whom
[the “very friends”] was one Godinez, who had
been made master of the camp. This Godinez,
with other friends, slew, as I say, Don Se-
bastian. The oidores of the city of the Kings
sent marshal Alonso de Alvarado and the
fiscal Joan Fernandez to gather information
and to punish the guilty. While they were do-
ing so they found guilt to rest upon Francisco

Relation 473

Hernandez Giron. Francisco Hernandez
knew of it [the rebellion], and he agreed to
revolt, as he did, although previously he
had wished to revolt in Cuzco. Juan de
Saavedra, who at the time was corregidor, took
him prisoner, together with those citizens who
aided him, and sent him to the city of the
Kings. The oidores overlooked the matter
and sent him to his house in Cuzco, and finally
he rose in rebellion at the time when the cor-
regidor was Gil Ramirez Davalo. One night
while he was at the wedding of one Loaisa, a
citizen of Cuzco, Gil Ramirez was advised by
an alguacil of his that arquebusiers were
moving about and assembling at the house of
Francisco Hernandez, and he ordered the al-
guacil who had told him of it to go and see
what the matter was. Coming in by a door
of the house where the wedding was, and where
all the citizens and the corregidor were supping
together, Francisco Hernandez entered with
certain arquebusiers, and when he came to
where they were supping he attacked them,
killing Palomino and another man. Gil

474 Pedro Pizarro

Ramirez hid in a bedchamber, and there he
gave himself up, Francisco Hernandez having
given his word, which he kept, not to kill him,
and he sent him to the city of the Kings.
Many soldiers joined with Francisco Hernan-
dez, more than six hundred of them, and if
marshal Alonso de Alvarado had not been in
Charcas punishing Don Sebastian, more than
one thousand five hundred would have joined
him. Francisco Hernandez sent troops to
Arequipa and Guamanga. It happened that
the corregidor in Arequipa was one licentiate
Carbajal, who had done what it was his duty
to do. On learning of this rebellion, it ap-
peared to the oidores that this licentiate was
not sufficient for the needs of war, and they
took away [his office] and sent authority to
Geronimo de Villegas. He did what was cus-
tomary and what had been done under the
Viceroy Blasco Nunez Vela. One morning
he ordered all the soldiers and warriours who
were in the town to assemble at his house, and
then he sent to summon the citizens, together
with some arquebusiers, and he made an agree-

Relation 475

ment ^ith those whom he had in his house,
telling them that Tomas Vazquez was coming
with two hundred men, as he did, and that it
would be well, since they could not resist him,
to give Francisco Hernandez the position of
procurator so that those who were coming
would have no motive to rob and sack the
town, and so that they would return, knowing
that this position had been given to him. Op-
pressed with the fear of losing then* lives, the
citizens did what he told them and advised
them to do. This was one day at noon, and
when night fell Pedro Pizarro and Diego de
Peralta, Joan de Hinojosa, Miguel Cornejo,
with some friends of theirs, set forth in flight
and went to the port of Arequipa, and they
took a ship which was there and sent it to the
oidores, and they [Pedro Pizarro and his
followers] went by land to serve His Majesty,
leaving their wives and children in the hands
of the tyrants who arrived within four days
at Arequipa. These men [Pizarro, etc.] having
arrived at the city of the Kings, [they found
that] the oidores were in great need of money

476 Pedro Pizarro

for raising troops, and Pedro Pizarro, he named
many times here, lent to His Majesty, and to
the oidores in his name, sixteen thousand pesos
for the raising of troops, because they were
much needed. When Tomas Vazquez ar-
rived at Arequipa, he stole all he could and all
he found, and he went down to the coast and
went up through a valley which is called
Hacari, which is eighty leagues from Arequipa
in the direction of the city of the Kings, and
by that route he went up into the mountains
to join forces with Francisco Hernandez at
Guamanga, for they had agreed to go against
the city of the Kings, as they did. When all
these [troops] were assembled, Francisco Her-
nandez went to Xauxa, and from Xauxa he
went down to Pachacama. When this was
learned by the oidores, they took their
camp to a place a league outside the city, to a
chacara of the Dominican monks; chacara
means some lands and a hamlet which the
friars had. From here they led us forward near
a large irrigation ditch. When the oidores
learned of the arrival of Francisco Hernandez

Relation 477

at Pachacama, four leagues from the city of
the Kings, they made ready fifty cavalrymen,
in order that we might go with the master of
the camp, Pablo de Meneses, who held that
office at the time, to ascertain where the enemy
was. We had an encounter with them near
the valley of Pachacama. They captured one
of our soldiers. Diego de Silva passed over to
our side, who had come with Francisco
Hernandez, and that night there came to the
camp of His Majesty more than fifty men of
those whom Francisco Hernandez brought,
and for this reason Francisco Hernandez did
not dare to give battle, and he retired slowly
down the coast, many troops leaving him and
coming over to the camp of His Majesty every
day. Seeing this, the oidores made ready
sixty men, and they ordered us to go with
Pablo de Meneses in pursuit of Francisco
Hernandez in order that we might collect
and protect those who fled from him. Thus
following him, we came so close to him that
one party was travelling only a day’s march
from the other, and in a valley called lea,

478 Pedro Pizarro

with thick woods, which is forty leagues from
the city of the Kings, we caught up with them.
That day they had entered the valley, and
Pablo de Meneses wished to attack them there
that night, because he now had more than
eight hundred men, including those who had
fled from Francisco Hernandez, and if Pablo de
Meneses had done what he was determined to
do, he would have taken prisoner Francisco
Hernandez and routed [his men], as we learned
afterwards. For, as they entered this valley
lacking for food and very weary through not
having stopped until then, the troops had
been scattered through the valley in search of
supplies, for they had no news of our coming,
and they were quite unprepared, although
they had stationed guards and sentinels. But
we took these without disclosing ourselves, for
it is a hilly valley, [and it is needful to have]
guides who know it. But when we arrived
at the river of this valley, which is at the begin-
ning of the entrance to it, Pablo de Meneses
became over-cautious and did not dare to
attack the enemy. While in this situation, he

Relation 479

wished to send in search of some maize for the
horses, which were very weary. A soldier,
[who was one of] those who had come over from
Francisco Hernandez’s side, offered to go, say ing
that he knew a village nearby whence maize
could be brought without our being seen by the
enemy. Pablo de Meneses, believing him, sent
him with three others of our men to bring
some maize. When they had gone, this man
who had come to us from Francisco Hernandez
and who was going to show where the food was,
fled from our three men who were with him
and went to give warning to Francisco Hernan-
dez and to tell him of our arrival. When our
men returned, they gave Pablo de Meneses an
account of the flight of that man, and then
we withdrew and turned back to some hollows
and to a village called Villacuri, five or six
leagues short of the valley already mentioned
where Francisco Hernandez was. Pablo de
Meneses left three horsemen behind him
[with orders to] stay here until, with day,
they went to a hill near the river to watch out
to see if Francisco Hernandez was coming

480 Pedro Pizarro

forth or what he was doing. Those who
remained here were Lope Martin, Casas and
Cifontes. He ordered them to remain until
after mid-day and then to withdraw and come
to Villacuri, where we were to wait for them.
These men stayed in this place until mid-day,
and they saw no one, and they agreed to enter
the valley in order to give their horses food
and to see if Francisco Hernandez had gone
further on. These three having entered one
part of the valley, it being now afternoon,
Francisco Hernandez, with all his men, came
out of the valley in search of us, believing
that we were nearby in some sandy wastes
which lie near the valley. Then it befell
that, after feeding their horses, Lope Martin
and his two companions came out to the
place where they had been ordered to wait,
and they encountered the troops of Francisco
Hernandez, who were all going in search of us,
and when they saw them they put spurs to
their horses in order to pass beyond them
[Hernandez’s men], for they had good horses;
they dashed off, with the men of Francisco

Relation 481

Hernandez after them. [Then] the horse of
Lope Martin fell in a mound of sand, and there
they took him prisoner. Cifontes and Caxas
had a chance to escape, and as night had now
closed down, and as all were sandy wastes,
they did not make out the road so as to
go and warn us before they were lost. Lope
Martin having been captured, Francisco Her-
nandez asked him about us, where we were and
how many of us there were and all the rest
which he wished to know. And when he had
learned it, he cut off his [Martin’s] head and,
with all his troops, came in search of us. And,
being now close upon us, a little less than a
league away, it appeared to them that they had
lost the road, and they waited for dawn, and
when day came they found themselves in the
middle of the road, and if this had not be-
fallen they would have caught us unawares and
sleeping, and they would have killed us all,
for, as Pablo de Meneses had left behind the
three men already mentioned, he was careless
and did not have sentinels. Being in these
hollows on this day, one of our soldiers went

482 Pedro Pizarro

out to a high place to look for maize, and he
saw on a plain which lies beyond these hollows
Francisco Hernandez with all his troops and
banners, and although we speedily saddled our
horses and mounted, they were on us, and we
went retreating, fighting all together for more
than three leagues, and, finally, Francisco
Hernandez, with all his troops, overcame
us and routed us, killing some of our men and
taking others prisoners. By great good luck
I escaped, because, when my horse was killed
by an arquebuse-shot, a negro of mine came
up whom I had sent ahead on a stallion, and,
mounting him, I crossed a hill of sand and so
escaped.

Having won this victory, Francisco Her-
nandez withdrew and went to Nasca, a valley
which is sixty leagues from Lima. Here he
re-formed his forces, remaining in this place
more than a month. The camp of His Maj-
esty came to Chincha, thirty leagues from
Lima, and here it stayed until Francisco
Hernandez went up into the mountains, where
he learned of the coming of Alonso de Alvarado

Relation 483

with eight hundred men in search of him.
Francisco Hernandez tried to avoid him,
taking refuge in some deserts. The marshal
followed him, and Francisco Hernandez passed
him by on one side and journeyed toward Cuzco.
And the marshal went after him and came up
with him at a river called Chuquinga, and,
having caught up with him there, he attacked
him too hastily, without letting his men rest,
and he attacked him at a fort which is in the
middle of a river, and, having been lost and
beaten as hfe [Alvarado] was, his troops
deserted him, and so the victory was won [by
Francisco Hernandez Giron]. Francisco Her-
nandez, [even though] vanquished [himself],
vanquished the marshal and his men. And
having won this victory, he went to Cuzco,
where he re-formed his army.

When the oidores learned of the defeat of
the marshal and his troops, they made haste
and went against him, making Pablo de
Meneses general, and Don Pedro Portocarrero
master of the camp. Assembling as many
troops as they could, they went to Cuzco,

484 Pedro Pizarro

and, when they arrived, Francisco Hernandez
had already set forth toward the Collao, and,
when they followed him, he stopped at a
place called Pucara, and there he waited for
the camp of His Majesty, and, when he was
arrived there, he established himself in a fort
which there is in this Pucara. Then, the camp
of His Majesty having arrived, his men lodged
and established themselves near a river facing
the camp of Francisco Hernandez, a little
more than an arquebuse-shot away. Here
they had their skirmishes every day, and
Francisco Hernandez got the best of them.
Matters being so, Francisco Hernandez de-
termined to attack, on a certain night, the
camp of His Majesty. The oidores had news
of it, and, on the night when Francisco
Hernandez was to go against them, they moved
the location of the camp, leaving in the first
site a drummer with some Spaniards and
negroes, so that Francisco Hernandez, be-
lieving that the camp was [still] there, should
make his attack in vain. And so it was that,
when he heard the drum, and believing that

Relatim 485

they were still there as before, he delivered his
blow at the air, for the negroes and drummer
fled. And so Francisco Hernandez and his men
learned the trick, and, returning to the place
where the soldiers and army of His Majesty
now were, his arquebusiers began to fire, and
the artillery of His Majesty’s camp began to
play upon those of Francisco Hernandez, and
so this encounter developed, and the men of
Francisco Hernandez withdrew, having
wounded and killed some of those of the camp
of the oidores.* And in this engagement some
of the men of Francisco Hernandez passed
over to the camp of the oidores, and so Fran-
cisco Hernandez lost courage and all his men.
And the next day it befell that Tomas Vaz-
quez and Piedrahita, captains of Francisco
Hernandez, secretly received pardon from the
oidores, and for this reason Francisco Her-
nandez fled one night with about sixty of the
guiltiest men, his friends, and so they were all
dispersed, some going in one direction, and
others in another. The oidores sent captains
to the places where they had news that they

486 Pedro Pizarro

were fleeing, and so they captured them and
killed them.

They captured Francisco Hernandez at
Xauxa. This Francisco Hernandez killed
many persons. In the time that his tyranny
lasted, many robberies were committed by
him. 140

After this, in the time of the president
Castro, there were some secret mutinies.
May it please our Lord that they have ended
forever. For if, for our sins, something is
sent upon us, it would be so bad that never
would the like of it have been seen or heard of,
if one may judge by the bountiful experience
which this land has had in the past of uprisings,
for each one excelled in evilness the others
which had happened in this land, and for this
reason it is understood what great evil would
result if some insurrection should happen
[now]. This is what happened in this king-
dom after I entered it, which was when the
Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro came from
Spain, and, in my judgment, it was perhaps
forty-two years ago that we came to conquer

Relation 487

and discover these kingdoms beyond Tumbez,
which he had previously found, and from here
he went to ask His Majesty for the govern-
ment, and then, as I have said, I came hither
with huii. This which I have written I saw,
except the discovery as far as Tumbez which
the Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro had done
before, as I have declared at the beginning,
and I learned and saw some things touching
the natives of this kingdom which I have de-
clared here. All that is written here happened
so, and it is* the truth, without my having
added or made up anything. I have dared to
write this history because those who know
me know that I am a friend of the truth, and
that I use it always, and so all that is found
here is written with entire truth. This writ-
ing was finished on the seventh of January of
the year one thousand, five hundred and
seventy-one. I do not put down here the
times and years that all this happened and
befell, because so much time has gone by.

NOTES

NOTES FOR THE INTRODUCTION

TO PEDRO PIZARRO’S

RELATION

1 Dr. Ales Hrdlicka has probably done more than any
other man in connexion with definitely establishing
the zoological relations existing formerly between Asi-
atic man and man in America. Consult:
HRDLICKA, Ales :

1912. Early Man in South America. Bulletin 52,
BAE, Washington.

1912b. Restes dans 1’Asie Orientale de la race qui a

peuple TAmerique. CIAAP, xiv, pages

409-414.
1917. Transpacific Migrations. Man, xvii, pages

29-30.
1917b. The Genesis of the American Indian. ICA,

xix, pages 559-568.

Consult likewise, especially with regard to early
folk-movements on the American continent:
SPINDEN, Herbert J. :

1913. A Study of Maya Art. PMM, vi. Cam-
bridge, Mass.

1917. The Origin and Distribution of Agriculture in
America. ICA, xix, pages 269-277.

1917b. Ancient Civilizations of Mexico and Central
America. New York. Especially pages 43-64.

Note. For abbreviations, see page 581.
491

492 Notes

JOYCE, Thomas A. :

1912. South American Archaeology. New York.
Pages 189-192.

1914. Mexican Archaeology. New York. Pages 5-30
and 199-217.

1916. Central American and West Indian Archae-
ology. New York.

MEANS, Philip Ainsworth :

1918. Las Relaciones entre Centro-America y Sud-

America en la Epoca Prehistorica. BSGL,

xxxin, pages 151-170.

2 In addition to the works just named consult:
MORLEY, Sylvanus Griswold:

1915. An Introduction to the Study of Maya Hiero-
glyphs. Bulletin 57, BAE, Washington.

1920. The Inscriptions at Copan. Carnegie Institu-
tion of Washington, Publ. No. 219. Washing-
ton.

MEANS, Philip Ainsworth:

1918. Pre-Columbian Peruvian Chronology and Cul-
tures. Man, xvin, pages 168-169.

3 HADDON, A. C. :

1912. Wanderings of Peoples. London.

NORDENSKIOLD, Baron Erland:

1917. The Guarani Invasion of the Inca Empire.
GR, iv, pages 103-121.

Notes 493

MEANS, Philip Ainsworth:

1917. A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. TCAAS,
xxi, pages 315-442. Especially pages 363-368.

4 The standard works for reference with regard
to culture-sequence are, in addition to those of Joyce
already referred to, the following:

BEUCHAT, Henri:

1912. Manuel d’Arche’ologie Amricaine. Paris.

MARKHAM, Sir Clements R. :

1910. The Incas of Peru. London.

Information on the same subject may also be
found in these works:
JIJON Y CAAMANO, Jacinto:
1914. Aborigenes de Imbabura. Quito.

5 The period of cultural depression in the highlands
may conveniently be called the Tampu Tocco or Paccari
Tampu Period, for legend states that the ancestors of
the Incas dwelt in a place of those names during the
time that it lasted. Consult:

MEANS, Philip Ainsworth :

1917b. Culture Sequence in the Andean Area. ICA,
xix, pages 236-252.

6 The arbitrary creation of separate culture-periods by
Prof. Max Uhle has done much to encumber the true
significance of the coast civilizations. As a matter of
fact, the coast cultures and their various phases show a
remarkable continuity and consistence.

494 Notes

7 The dates for the reigns of the Incas used here will
be found to differ from those which I used in earlier
writings. This is due very largely to the influence of
Drs. Tello, Wiesse and Riva-Aguero, all of Lima. The
present dates are arrived at by means of taking an
average of the dates appearing in the works presently
to be named. As all of the systems used in attaining
this average are eminently sane and full of elements of
accuracy, we may assume that the average of them will
be as nearly correct as may be under the circumstances
which exist in connexion with a civilization which had
no documentary history.

I. Garcilasso de la Vega’s dates as worked out by
Markham and Uhle. See :

MARKHAM, (Sir) Clements R. :

1856. Cuzco . . . and Lima. London. Page 160.

UHLE, Max:

1903. Pachacamac. Philadelphia. Page 54.

II. FISKE, John:

1892. The Discovery of America. Boston. 2 volumes,
n, page 131.

III. GONZALEZ DE LA ROSA, Manuel:
1909. Ensayo de Cronologia Incana. RH, rv, pages
41-54.

IV. The Chronology of Miguel Cavello Balboa as given
by Wiener. See :

Notes 495

WIENER, Charles:

1874. Essai sur . . . 1’Empire des Incas. Paris.
Page 53.

V. CORDOBA Y URRUTIA, Jose Maria de:

1875. Las tres Epocas del Peru. Lima.

VI. WIESSE, Carlos:

1913. Las Civilizaciones Primitivas del Peru. Lima.
Pages 176-177.

8 The best description of Inca origins is this one :
UHLE, Max:

1912. Los Origenes de los Incas. ICA, xvi, pages
302-347.

9 MARKHAM, 1910, pages 50-55.

10 MEANS, 1917, pages 333-334.

11 The linguistic evidence as to the affinities of these
tribes is so chaotic still that it is of but little use. Much
intensive research will be required before it is put in
order.

12 LIZARRAGA, Reginald :

1908. Descripcion y Poblacion de las Indias. Ed. by
Carlos A. Romero. Lima. Page 352.

u For an excellent account of the Chancas, see :

GARCILASSO DE LA VEGA, el Ynca:

1869-71. The Royal Commentaries of the Yncas. Ed.
by (Sir) Clements R. Markham. Hakluyt
Soc., London. 2 volumes, i, pages 323 and
following.

496 Notes

14 Rocca IFs reforms are described by Garcilasso (i,
pages 333-337).

15 This battle of Xaquixaguana is described by Gar-
cilasso (n, pages 53-58).

16 In 1914 these magnificent ruins belonged to Don
Isaac Silva of Huarocondo, valley of Anta.

17 The god Viracocha was undoubtedly pre-Inca.

18 The spear-thrower seems to have been characteris-
tic of the coast and the sling of the highlands, but both
became widely distributed under the Incas. See:
UHLE, Max:

1907. La Estolica en el Peru. RH, n, pages 118-128.

19 The Incas found the coast-cultures so respect-
worthy and so firmly crystallized into their own forms
that they had, in many respects, to modify their own
customs on the coast, whereas the less advanced peoples
of the interior had no such effect upon them.

20 Sir Clements used these words in a letter written
to the present editor in 1915.

21 The boundaries of the coast lordships were, origi-
nally, of a strictly geographical nature, being composed
of rivers, mountains and similar natural barriers. But
as culture advanced and as the political horizon of the
people widened, these barriers were, to a large extent,
overridden. Vestiges of them, however, may still be
found, especially in the department of Piura, where

Notes 497

Chimu rule was relatively weak, perhaps more theo-
retical than actual. There, during a short day’s ride,
one passes through Indian communities which obvi-
ously are widely different in a number of respects, and
in this we see a strong survival of the old pre-Chimu
regionalism which was once general throughout the
coast.

22 Pachacutec, though he merits much honour for his
military achievements on the coast, nevertheless prof-
ited much from the tentative conquests further south
made by his predecessors. Their experience taught him
what were the best sorts of strategy and troop-move-
ments, and they also made it clear that the weak-point
of the coast states was their dependence on irrigation
for their water-supply.

28 Though the study of Ecuadorian pre-Columbian
history is yet in its infancy, we already know enough to
show that there was in that region a culture-sequence
not unlike that of Peru. Indeed, a letter recently re-
ceived by the editor from Sr. Jijon y Caamafio states
that some of the Ecuadorian cultures are intimately
allied with those of Peru. Consult, in addition to
works already referred to:
SAVILLE, Marshall H. :
1907-10. Antiquities of Manabi. New York. 2 volumes.

GONZALEZ SUAREZ, Federico:

1890-1903. Historia General del Ecuador. Quito. 7
volumes.

498 Notes

1892. Atlas Arqueologico. Quito. 2 volumes.
1904. Prehistoria Ecuatoriana. Quito.
1908. Los Aborigenes de Imbabura y del Carchi.
Quito.

DORSET, George A. :

1901. Archaeological Investigations on the Island of
La Plata, Ecuador. FCMP, No. 56. Chicago.

JIJON Y CAAMANO, Jacinto; and LARREA, Carlos M.:
1918. Un Cementerio Incasico en Quito y Notas
Acerca de los Incas en el Ecuador. Quito.

24 ERCILLA Y ZUNIGA, Alonso de:
1569-89. La Araucana. Madrid. 3 volumes.

25 MEANS, Philip Ainsworth :

1918b. A Note on the Guarani Invasions of the Inca
Empire. GR, iv, pages 482-484.

26 Markham (1910, page 241) opposes the belief that
Atahualpa’s mother was a princess of Quito. Wiesse
(1913, page 196) ably discusses the whole matter.

27 A convenient summary of the chief Inca marriages
was given by Sir Clements R. Markham in his edition
of Sarmiento. Consult:

SARMIENTO DE GAMBOA, Pedro:

1907. History of the Incas. Ed. by Sir Clements
Markham. Hakluyt Soc., London. Page 258.

Notes 499

28 Accounts of the death of Huayna Capac are given
by Garcilasso (n, pages 465-469) and by Sarmiento
(pages 166-169). The latter says that the illness was
small-pox.

29 The standard authorities for Inca social organiza-
tion are:

BELAUNDE, Victor Andres:

1908. El Peru y los Modernos Sociologos. Lima.

CUNOW, Heinrich:

1898. DieSozialeVerfassungdesInkareichse. Bruns-
wick.

SAAVEDRA, Juan Bautista:

1909. ElAyllu. La Paz.

RIVA-AGUERO, Jose de la:

1910. La Historia en el Peru. Lima. Pages 61-113.

80 MEANS, Philip Ainsworth :

1918c. Racial Factors in Democracy. Boston. Pages
120-122.

81 Markham (1919, pages 96-114) gives a thorough
review of the religious aspects of pre-Columbian Peru.

82 The effects of isolation on the ancient dwellers of
the Andes and on their culture will be found analyzed
in my 1918c, pages 122-125.

88 This account of Spanish achievements in Middle
America is based on the following works:

500 Notes

CORTES, Fernando:

1908. Letters … to Charles V. Ed. by Francis
Augustus Macnutt. New York. 2 volumes.

SAVILLE, Marshall H. :

1918. The Discovery of Yucatan in 1517 by Her-
nandez de Cordoba. GR, vi, pages 436-448.

MARTYR D’ANGHERA, Pedro (or Pietro) :

1912. De Orbe Novo. Ed. by Francis Augustus
Macnutt. New York. 2 volumes.

GOMARA, Francisco Lopez de:

1554. Historia de Mexico. Antwerp.

DIAZ DEL CASTILLO, Bernal :

1908-16. A True History of the Conquest of New Spain.

Ed. by Alfred Percival Maudslay. Hakluyt

Soc., London. 5 volumes.

MEANS, Philip Ainsworth:

1917. History of the Spanish Conquest of Yucatan
and of the Itzas. PMP, vii. Cambridge, Mass.

84 The section on Geographical Aspects has been built
upon the following authorities :
BOWMAN, Isaiah:

1916. The Andes of Southern Peru. New York.
PAZ-SOLDAN, Mariano Felipe:
1865. Atlas Geografico del Peru. Paris.
1877. Diccionario Geografico Estadistico del Peru.

Lima.

RAIMONDI, Antonio:
1874-1913. El Peru. Lima. 6 volumes.

Notes 501

NOTES TO PEDRO PIZARRO

85 Francisco Pizarro, Diego de Almagro and Fer-
nando de Luque were three prominent citizens of
Darien in 1525. The two first mentioned were adven-
turers who, though they owned lands and Indians,
were without substantial resources. Luque was vicar
and curate and chancellor of the cathedral. From its
foundation in 1513 by a Brief from Leo X (Giovanni
de’ Medici) to the end of 1524 the Cathedral had been
at Santa Maria la Antigua del Darien. In the latter
year, however, it was moved to Panama, Don Vicente
de Peraza being Bishop. At this time Pascual de
Andagoya had only lately made his voyage south-
wardly to Biru, somewhere on the present Colombian
littoral. Ill health induced him to permit Pizarro
and his associates to take up the task which he had
begun. Pizarro and Almagro furnished the brawn
and a good deal of the brain; Luque provided the
wherewithal to finance the enterprise, as well as exert-
ing his influence to induce Governor Pedro Arias de
Avila to favour its being put into execution. Pizarro
made his first trip in 1525 ; later he made a second trip,
reaching the Islands of Gallo and Gorgona on the
coast, about two and one-half degrees north of the
Equator. On account of observations made on this
trip, Pizarro, Almagro and Luque made their famous
contract to work together, signing it at Panama on
the 10 March, 1526. Montesinos preserves the docu-
ment in full. References:

502 Notes

MONTESINOS, Fernando:

1906. Los Anales del Peru. Ed. by Victor M.
Maurtua. Madrid. 2 volumes. Ano 1526.

LEWIS, Samuel:

1918. The Cathedral of Old Panama. HAHR, i,
pages 447-453.

ANDERSON, C. L. G.:

1911. Old Panama and Castilla del Oro. Washing-
ton.

PRESCOTT, William Hickling:

1847. History of the Conquest of Peru. 2 volumes.
London.

MARKHAM, Sir Clements R. :

1892. History of Peru. Chicago. Pages 67 T 70.

AND AGO YA, Pascual de:

1865. Narrative. . . Ed. by CRM, Hakluyt Soc.,
London.

86 The name Peru, Piru or Biru has been applied
arbitrarily to the ancient realm of Ttahua-ntin-suyu,
The Land of the Four Provinces. In time it was often
applied to the whole of South America by cartographers
and others. There are a number of theories as to the
origin of the name, but the most likely one is that it
belonged primarily to a small river and cacique-ship
on the Colombian coast. See:

Notes 503

GARCILASSO DE LA VEGA, el Ynca:

1869-71. The Royal Commentaries of the Yncas. Ed.

by CRM, Hakluyt Soc., London. 2 volumes.

I, pages 27-36.

87 This message sent back by the discontented men
on Gallo is undoubtedly historic. Cieza de Leon gives
the words thus :

“Pues Seftor Gobernador

Mirelo bien por entero
Que alia va el Recogedor

Y aca queda el Carnicero.”

Substantially the same words appear in Montesinos
(1906, Ano 1527).

18 The officer sent out by the Governor to bring
back the discontented men from the Island of Gallo
was named Tafur. Montesinos calls him Alonzo and
Cieza calls him Juan.

In spite of its obvious authenticity, the incident of
the Thirteen is treated by Helps as fabulous. The
correct list of the faithful adherents to Pizarro may be
found in a note on pages 419-421 of Markham’s trans-
lation of Cieza’s Travels. (See Bibliography.) See also:

HELPS, Sir Arthur:

1869. The Life of Pizarro. London.

TRUEBA Y Cosio, Joaquin Telesf oro :

1830. History of the Conquest of Peru. Edinburgh.

504 Notes

89 The man whom Pedro Pizarro here calls Bartolome
Perez was in reality named Bartolome Ruiz. He was
an excellent pilot. His ship was the first European one
to cross the Line off the west coast of South America.
(Markham, 1892, page 69.) He died about the middle
of February, 1533. Consult:
ROMERO, Carlos A. :

1906. Un Inedito Sobre Bartolome Ruiz. RH, i,
pages 65-69.

40 For other accounts of this incident, see:
SARMIENTO DE GAMBOA, Pedro:

1895. Narratives of the Voyages of Pedro Sar-
miento. . . Ed. by CRM, Hakluyt Soc.,
London.

41 Francisco Pizarro was in Spain from the Summer
of 1528 to January 19, 1530.

42 The Capitulacion with Queen Juana was signed
by Francisco Pizarro on 24 or 26 July, 1529. The
unequal honours given at this time to Pizarro and to
Almagro were the cause of serious friction between
the two.

48 The opportune arrival of Ponce de Leon and Soto
caused Almagro, always an opportunist and waverer,
to come out of his fit of the sulks and join in the expe-
dition. Hernando de Soto was the man who later
gained fame exploring the Mississippi.

Notes 505

44 Pizarro, now accompanied by his brothers Her-
nando, Gonzalo and Juan, by his uterine brother
Francisco Martin de Alcantara and by his cousin Pedro
Pizarro our author, left for Peru early in November,
1530. With them also were Padre Vicente de Valverde
and Padre Juan de Sosa. They had two ships, fire-
arms and horses. Almagro stayed at Panama.

45 Coaque or Coaqui is North of the bay called Cara-
ques. It is on the Ecuadorian coast, about three
degrees North of the equator. It is a hot and pes-
tilential region. See:

WOLF, Teodoro: .

1892. Geografia y Geologia del Ecuador. Leipzig.
Page 157.

SAVILLE, Marshall H. :

1910. Antiquities of Manabi. Vol. n. New York.
Pages 24-30.

46 The ceyva or ceyba tree is a widespreading and
thickly umbrageous tree whose fruit is full of cottony
fibre. See:

COBO, Beraab6:

1890-93. Historia del Nuevo Mundo. Ed. by Marcos
Jimenez de la Espada. Soc. de Bibli6filos
Andaluces. Seville. 4 volumes, n, page 124.

506 Notes

47 America and Europe, when their peoples came into
contact, seem to have exchanged, or rather inter-
changed, a number of serious diseases. Without going
into medical matters too deeply, it is well to state that
syphilis and other venereal ailments were ancient in
America, having originated from certain obscene prac-
tices of the natives. Berrugas or Verrugas was also
an ancient disease in Peru. Realistic pottery repre-
sentations of these ailments, as well as of other matters
connected with them, are numerous. See:

ASHMEAD, Albert S. :

1903. Testimony of the Huacos (Mummy-Grave)

Potteries of Old Peru. Proceedings of the

APSP, XLII, pages 378-395.

ODRIOZOLA, Ernesto:

1908. Estado Actual de Nuestros Conocimientos

Acerca de la Enfermedad de Carrion o Ver-

ruga Peruana. Lima.

PALMA, Ricardo (hijo) :

1908. La Uta en el Peru. Lima.

PATRON, Pablo:

1889. La Verruga de los Conquistadores. lima.

TELLO, Julio C. :

1909. La Antiguedad de la Siphilis en el Peru. Lima.

VELEZ LOPEZ, Lizardo R. :

1912. Huacos Antropomorfos Mutilados del Peru.
ICA, xvin, pages 276-279. London.

Notes 507

WAGNER, Raoul D. :

1909. Un Huaco Figurant un Cas Pathologique.
JSAP, vi (n. s.), pages 273-274. Paris.

NOTE. The collections in private hands in Peru
supply many further data in this connexion.

48 Sebastian de Benalcazar reached Pizarro about
July or August, 1532.

49 For information about the Island of la Puna and
Tumbala its Lord, see Introduction, Section on Geo-
graphical Aspects. Consult likewise :

JOYCE, Thomas A. :*

1912. South American Archaeology. New York.
Page 57.

GARCILASSO DE LA VEGA, el Ynca:

1869-71. The Royal Commentaries of the Yncas. Ed.

by CRM, Hakluyt Soc., London. 2 volumes.

n, pages 428-431.

CIEZA DE LEON, Pedro de:

1864. Travels. Ed. by CRM, Hakluyt Soc., London.
Pages 198-200.

MARKHAM, Sir Clements R. :

1910. The Incas of Peru. New York. Pages 183-
184.

SAVILLE, Marshall H. :

1910. The Antiquities of Manabi. Vol. n.

508 Notes

50 The “ewes”, of course, were llamas.

51 Morillo and Bocanegra, whose names do not
appear to have been recorded by other early writers on
Peru, must have been among the first, if not actually
the first, Castilian settlers in that country. Since
they had the Indian women mentioned by Pedro
Pizarro as their “servants” it is quite possible that
they begot the first mestizo children in Peru.

52 For information about Puerto or Porto Viejo and
its people, see Introduction, Section on Geographical
Aspects.

58 There can be but little doubt but that Pedro de
Alvarado was in truth the evil genius of the Conquest
of Peru. His career before reaching that country
amply proved his evil and cruel disposition, particularly
such events as his massacre of the Aztec nobles in
Mexico. Nevertheless, he was a brave soldier, ever
undaunted in the face of danger, and the hundreds of
men whom he brought with him to Peru were invalu-
able, even though not above committing “atrocities”.
Consult :

DIAZ DEL CASTILLO, Bernal:

1908-16. The True History of the Conquest of New
Spain. Ed. by Alfred Percival Maudslay,
Hakluyt Soc., London. 5 volumes. Passim,
and especially Vol. v, pages 302-303.

Notes 509

MARTYR D’ANGHERA, Peter:

1912. De Orbe Novo. Ed. by Francis Augustus

Macnutt. New York. 2 volumes. Vol. n,

pages 359-364.
CORTES, Hernando:
1908. The Letters of Cortes to Charles V. Ed. by

Francis Augustus Macnutt. New York. 2

volumes. Vol. i, page 284, and passim.

54 The best and earliest descriptions of Tumbez are
those given by Pedro de Cieza de Leon and by Alonzo
Enriquez de Guzman. It is to be noted that all ves-
tiges of the buildings which they mention have van-
ished, and one wonders how accurately the latter of the
two, at least, was informed. Consult:

ENRIQUEZ DE GUZMAN, Alonzo :

1862. The Life and Acts of Don Alonzo Enriquez de
Guzman. Ed. by CRM, Hakluyt Soc., Lon-
don. Page 95.

CIEZA DE LEON, Pedro de:

1864. (Travels), pages 23-25 and 193-197.

55 For information concerning the Cinto valley, see
Introduction, Section on Geographical Aspects.

56 For data regarding these places, see Introduction,
Section on Geographical Aspects.

57 As stated in the Introduction, the civil war between
Huascar and Atahualpa was one of the fundamental

510 Notes

causes of Spanish success, and it was a product of the
deep-rooted weakness of the Inca empire at that period.
In this struggle three Indian generals distinguished
themselves. These were Chalcuchima, Quizquiz and
Rumi Nahui. They had all been trained under the
Inca Huayna Capac. All were faithful adherents to
Atahualpa and, at the time of the Conquest, stalwart
opponents of the Spaniards. See Notes Nos. 6 and 41
in the second volume of the Cortes Society’s series.

58 For information about the Chira valley, see Intro-
duction, Section on Geographical Aspects.

59 La Guaca or la Huaca is in the Chira valley, on the
South side of the river, opposite Amotape. It was,
like Chira itself (now known as Sojo, and the property
of Don Miguel Checa), the seat of a chieftain who was
feudatory to the Chimu, at least nominally, in imme-
diately pre-Inca times.

60 The thirteen caciques (properly curacas) thus
massacred by the Spaniards were the feudal chiefs of
such places as Chira, la Huaca, Tangarara (Pedro
Pizarro’s Tangarala), and Querocotillo, all in the Chira
valley. The Piura here mentioned is, of course, the
Piura valley, the next to the South of the Chira.

61 Tallana or Tallano is another name for Yunga, the
generic name applied by the Spaniards to the coast
dwellers. See:

Notes 511

CASAS, Bartolom6 de las:

1892. De las Antiguas Gentes del Peru. Ed. by

Marcos Jimenez de la Espada. Madrid. Page

111.

62 San Miguel de Tangarara was founded on 24 May,
1532, on a site upon the North bank of the Chira River,
just opposite the great pyramid of Sojo (then called
Chira). Ruins of old buildings may still be seen there,
as well as many vestiges of irrigation canals, but it is
doubtful if they were erected in the time of Pizarro.
The site was found to be unsatisfactory, probably on
account of soil-deterioration due to bad irrigation and
a lack of proper drainage, a surplus of water causing a
chemical destruction of the soil for agricultural pur-
poses. (This is the opinion of Mr. G. E. Nicholson, a
soil-expert resident at Catacaos, Piura, Peru.) Some-
time between 1534 and 1554 the town was moved to a
site known as Piura-la-vieja today. It is in the Piura
valley not far from the town of Chulucanas. On the
whole, it is a very bad site for a settlement on account
of the fact that all the good water-springs are a con-
siderable distance away. The soil is poor and rocky.
The houses were built of rough stones and adobe, but
now only the former can be seen, the adobe having
long since vanished. Between 1571 and 1585 the
people of Piura moved in a body to San Francisco de
Buena Esperanza de Payta, where again they were beset
with difficulties on account of the difficulty of obtaining
wood and water. In 1587 Payta was raided and

Notes

sacked , by Thomas Cavendish, and soon thereafter
most of the inhabitants moved off and established them-
selves at Tacala in the Piura valley, and there the city
of San Miguel de Piura is to this day. See:
EGUIGUREN, Victor:
1895. Fundacion y Traslaciones de S. Miguel de

Piura. BSGL, iv, pages 260-268.
GARCIA ROSELL, Ricardo:
1903. El Departamento de Piura. BSGL, xm,

pages 193-242.
MEANS, Philip Ainsworth:
1918. A Footnote to the History of the Conquest of

Peru. HAHR, i, pages 453-457.
MONTESINOS, Fernando:
1906. Los Anales del Peru. Ed. by Victor M.

Maurtua. Madrid. 2 volumes. I, page 71.

68 Pizarro left San Miguel 24 September, 1532, leav-
ing Sebastian de Benalcazar in charge, with Navarro
to aid him. See Chronology, pages 122-123 of this
volume.

64 This term is intended to cast opprobrium upon the
men in question.

65 Caxamalca (now Cajamarca) was a favourite resi-
dence of Atahualpa. To all intents and purposes it
was the de facto capital of Peru at the time of which
Pizarro is here speaking. It was clearly a city of con-

Notes 518

s&erable importance and magnificence, set amid fertile
and beautiful surroundings. In the centre of the town
was a fine large plaza with sides about 600 feet in
length and provided with fountains of water. There
were some 2000 houses arranged in straight streets and
gaily painted or stuccoed. See:
RAMUSIO, Giambattista:
1563-65. Viaggi. Venice. 3 volumes, in, page 373.

66 The Lord of Chincha here referred to was the
feudatory chieftain of the southern half of the littoral.
Like a mediatized prince he was ruling, under Inca
guidance, the region over which his ancestors had held
undisputed sway. Beneath him, in turn, were minor
chiefs, who had charge of individual valleys or regions,
owing him allegiance.

67 Atahualpa was seized on November 16, 1532.
The parallel between the course of action taken by
Pizarro and that followed by Cortes in Mexico is
striking. In both cases the capture of an Indian
monarch’s person put the whole machinery of govern-
ment into the control of the leader of the invaders.

68 Atahualpa offered ransom about November 18 or
20, 1532. Around 20 December it began to arrive at
Cajamarca. By May 3, 1533, it was all assembled.
By June 17 it was distributed, the total value being
about 3,500,000 of modern money, among the sol-
diery. On August 29 Atahualpa was put to death.

514 Notes

Consult:

SANCHO, Pedro:

1872. Report on the Distribution of the Ransom of

Atahualpa. Ed. by CRM, Hakluyt Soc.,

London.
1917. An Account of the Conquest of Peru. Ed. by

Philip Ainsworth Means, Cortes Soc., New

York.

69 Xauxa or Antamarca are usually given as the place
where Huascar met his end, presumably about June,
1532.

70 It is not possible definitely to identify these two
men, but the Guamantito of our author may be that
Titu Atauchi who was a full brother of Huascar, or he
may be Huascar’s son, Huauri Titu. Of Mayta
Yupanqui it is possible to speak much more definitely.
He was a general in the service of Huascar, a military
opponent and rival of Atahualpa’s three generals re-
ferred to above. See:

Markham, 1910, page 251.

SARMIENTO DE GAMBOA, Pedro:

1907. The History of the Incas. Ed. by CRM,
Hakluyt Soc., London. Page 174.

71 It is to be noted that Pedro Pizarro begins his list
of Incas with Viracocha who, as a matter of fact, was
by no means the first one. See Introduction.

Notes 515

72 There seems to be but little doubt that Atahualpa
really was a son of a princess of the Caran Scyri
dynasty of Quito. The late Sir Clements R. Markham,
however, was of the opposite opinion, for the reason
that if Atahualpa “had been born at Quito he would
have been only eight or ten when his father died”.
Huayna Capac died in 1525, and supposedly Ata-
hualpa was born about 1516. It was the year 1518
and the succeeding years which saw the great northern
campaign of Huayna Capac. I see no reason why Ata-
hualpa could not have been born during this time.
Certainly Markham’s statement that Atahualpa was
with his father, and a grown man at the time, during
this campaign is .open to doubt. Sarmiento makes
Tocta Coca mother of Atahualpa. Consult:

Markham, 1910, pages 240-241; Sarmiento,
1907, pages 169-170.

78 It is said that Atahualpa was at one time appointed
Ranti or Incap Ranti (viceroy) of Quito. Gradually,
however, encouraged by the allegiance to him which
he found among the Quito generals and by the recol-
lection of his maternal ancestry, he made his rule
independent of that of Huascar, thereby giving rise to
the civil war between them.

74 The information given by Pedro Pizarro about the
treatment of the dead is most useful. It is well to note
that, contrary to the prevalent opinion, deliberate and
scientific embalming was practised by the pre-Colum-
bian Andeans. Consult :

516 Notes

Markham, 1910, pages 111-112. (Says

embalming was used.)

Joyce, 1912, page 145. (Says embalming

was not used.)
CASTAING, A.:
1887. Les Embauments et Lessepultures Chez les

Anciens Peruviens. ASAF, v, pages 120-134.
REUTTER, M.r
1915. Analyses de Deux Masses Ayant Servi aux

Incas a Embaumer Leurs Morts. vi, pages

288-293.

75 Pachacamac had for centuries been a place of pil-
grimage to people from immense distances. For that
reason it has proved one of the richest archeological
sites in America. It was visited in November, 1533,
by Hernando Pizarro, Miguel de Astete and Francisco
Xeres, who all described it as being an important reli-
gious centre at that time. Consult:

UHLE, Max:

1903. Pachacamac. University of Pennsylvania.
Philadelphia.

76 The word orejon means Big-ear. That term not
being euphonious, the Spanish one has been preserved
in the text. It has the force of “Cuzco nobleman”.
The men of this class wore enormous ear-studs in the
lobe of the ear as a sign of their rank.

Notes 517

77 Xauxa was an important place at the time of the
Conquest. Pedro Sancho (in his Chapter iv) gives
an account of it. See also, Cieza de Leon, 1864
(Travels), pages 296-301.

78 As stated elsewhere in this volume, the incestu-
ous marriages here referred to were a late development
in Inca social organization. In earlier times the prac-
tice had been to make alliances with the families of
neighbouring chiefs.

79 The baptism of Atahualpa is one of the most
dramatic incidents of the Conquest for the reason that
it typifies perfectly .the fanatical and hypocritical spirit
of some of the conquerors.

80 The llautu was the badge of Inca sovereignty. It
was also called masca paicha. The head-dress, what-
ever its form may have been, was without doubt as
much a sign of rank as was a crown. Other grades of
officials and dignitaries had llautus differing from that
worn by the Sapa Inca. Consult:

UHLE, Max:

1907. La Masca Paicha de los Incas. RH, n, pages

227-232.

81 This Tubalipa was the first of the puppet-Incas
to be set up by Francisco Pizarro. His identity is not
certain. He was very short-lived.

518 Notes

82 A good description of Guamachuco or Huama-
chuco is given by Cieza de Leon, 1864 (Travels), pages
287-290.

88 For comments on these regions, see Introduction,
Section on Geographical Aspects.

84 “Guichuasimi” is probably an attempt at “Qui-
chua o Runa Simi”, Runa Simi being another name for
Quechua, and probably a much older name than the
latter. Runa Simi literally means “Man’s mouth”.
It is possible, of course, that “Guichuasimi” is an
attempt to say “Quichua Simi” Quichua mouth
(i. e., Quichua language), indicating that it was the
tongue of the Quichua folk (to whom modern usage
tends to apply the name Quechua rather than Quichua).
Consult:

MARKHAM, Sir Clements R. :

1864. Contributions towards a Grammar and Dic-
tionary of the Quichua. London.

MlDDENDORF, E. W. I

1890. Das Runa Simi Oder die Keshua-Sprache.

Leipzig.
1890b. Worterbuch des Runa Simi. Leipzig.

85 Vilcaconga is a pass not far from the Apurimac
River.

86 The Avancay River runs into the Apurimac.

87 Compare what Pedro Pizarro says with Sancho,
Chapter x.

Notes 519

88 The account of these deities given by Pedro Pizarro
seems to have been followed very substantially by
Cobo. Consult:

COBO, Bernabe”:

1890-93. Historia del Nuevo Mundo. Ed. by Marcos

Jimenez de la Espada. Seville. 4 volumes.

Vol. iv, pages 74-75.

89 For information regarding Xaquixaguana, see In-
troduction, Section on Geographical Aspects.

90 For a most valuable study of Manco Inca, see:

BINGHAM, Hiram:

1912. Vitcos, the Last Inca Capital. Worcester,
Mass. Consult also:

Inca Documents. Ed. by CRM, Hakluyt Soc.,
London. 1913.

CASTRO TITO Cussi YUPANGUI INCA, Diego de:

1916. Relacion de la Conquista del Peru y Hechos

del Inca Manco II. Ed. by Horacio H.

Urteaga and Carlos A. Romero. Lima.

91 Wherever appears in the text it means

that the original has a blank.

92 Compare Sancho, pages 158-159 of the Cortes
Society’s edition.

520 Notes

98 The Caxana or Casana was the palace of Pacha-
cutec. It stands on the western corner of the great
square called Huacay Pata (now the Plaza Mayor).

94 The Atuncancha or Hatun Cancha was the palace
of Ynca Yupanqui. It stands on the eastern corner of
the Huacay Pata.

95 This description of the rites for the dead is one of
the best we have. Efforts to identify the word verquia
have not yielded satisfactory results.

96 Vila means Vilac Umu, the head-priest of the
sacerdotal hierarchy. (Garcilasso, Lib. in, Cap. 22.)

97 The garden of gold was undoubtedly a real thing,
not an imaginary one. Pizarro’s account, however,
is more reasonable and less exuberant than some others
(notably Garcilasso’s), for he speaks as if the golden
plants were set out only on special occasions, and Gar-
cilasso (Lib. in, Cap. 24) conveys the impression that
they were permanent.

In this connexion it is well to relate a story which I
heard from an old Indian curaca at Sicuani near
Cuzco in 1914. Bearing in mind the almost unbeliev-
able profusion of gold and silver in the Inca temples
and palaces, I asked him why it was that they were never
stolen by the servants of the temples. He replied that
when Inti the Sun and Mama Quilla the Moon were
making the earth they worked very hard and both
perspired profusely. The sweat ran from their brows

Notes 521

into the ground where it hardened, and the Sun’s
sweat became gold and the Moon’s became silver.
Therefore, these metals were regarded as unutterably
sacred, and no one would ever dream of stealing them.
I give this tale for what it may be worth. I have never
seen it in any ancient books about long-ago Peru.

98 The acllahuasi were the abodes of those conse-
crated females whom some writers have misnamed “Vir-
gins of the Sun”. As a matter of fact they were not
anything else than potential concubines of the Sapa
Inca or of other men of position. However, they were
also a respected part of the religious establishment,
and they had a definite part to take in matters of
ritual. Like other branches of the Inca administra-
tive machine, they were systematically grouped, thus:
Ten acllas were under a superior aclla; ten superior
acllas were under a mistress; ten mistresses were under
an “abbess”, and the abbess was directly under the
authority of the Vilac Umu or of one of his vicars.
There were several grades of acllas: The yana-acllas
were the young novices (with a novitiate of three
years); the paco-acllas were the concubines of chiefs
or of others whom the Inca wished to honour; the
vayru-acllas were dames of the coya or consort, and
also concubines of the Inca; lastly, the yura-acllas
were dedicated to the Sun. Consult:
CASTAING, A. :

1887b. Les Croyances sur la Vie d’Outre-Tombe Chez
les Anciens Peruviens. ASAF, v, pages 49-86.

Notes

99 The word escaftos, meaning benches, is in the orig-
inal, as printed. It is probably a misprint for escafia,
St. Peter’s corn, or one-grained wheat, triticum mono-
cocium.

100 This description of Sacsahuaman, the great for-
tress just north of Cuzco, is perfectly accurate. The
south walls of the structure are late Inca in style, but
the north walls (those referred to here) are much older.

101 Orejones were of two sorts: The Incas-by-birth
and the Incas-by-privilege. The general Quechua
word for “lady” is palla.

102 In the original text as published, the third name
is repeated for the fourth.

108 Cieza de Leon (1883, Chronicle, page 78) explicitly
states that the moral conditions among the Incas were
good. Wherever they found abominable practices to
prevail, they did their utmost to stamp them out. The
said abominable practices were especially common
among the people on the northerly parts of the coast,
and a study of some classes of Chimu pottery reveals
the fact that great obscenity was very general among
the most highly civilized people of the oldest Chimu
period. Even our author, however, does not say that

Notes 523

these things existed among the Incas, and a modern
point of view hesitates to sanction the describing of the
incestuous marriages of the Incas as “immoral”, for
they did not infringe the ethical code of the people
who had them.

1M For an account of Jerez or Xerez and Sancho,
see Introduction.

105 Quinua or quenua is a tree which grows at high
levels. From the leaves a delicious dish may be made,
by first boiling the leaves in the manner spinach is
boiled, and then dressing them with vinegar and pepper.
The seeds are prepared with milk or cheese, and are
also very good and well-tasting food. This plant is
one of those which will, some day or other, be com-
mercialized so as to help out the world’s food-supply.

106 The city of Jauja was founded by Pizarro with
only forty Spaniards on 4 October, 1533. Pizarro then
passed onwards to Cuzco. Consult :

COBO, Bernabe:

1882. Historia de la Fundacion de Lima. Ed. by

Manuel Gonzalez de la Rosa. Lima. Pages

8-9.

PHILLIPS, Federico:

1908. Fundacion de Tarma. RH, in, pages 29-38.
Lima.

524 Notes

107 Since both the modern editions use the spelling
Grabiel instead of Gabriel, it is preserved here.

w*On 28 November, 1534, the Cabildo of Jauja
held a meeting at which it was decided to move the
capital down to the coast. On December 4, Garcia
de Salcedo, Rodrigo de Mazuelas and Francisco de
Herrera were sent off to look for a new site. Pacha-
camac seems to have been considered, but finally
Rimac (now Lima) was chosen as the place for the
capital, and the new foundation took place on January
18, 1535. Consult:

Cobo, 1882, pages 12-18 and 19-23.
Libro Primero de Cabildos de Lima. Ed. by
Enrique Torres Saldamando. Paris. 3 vol-
umes. 1900.

l 9 Trujillo was founded about the 6 or the 26

December, 1534. Consult:

CABERO, Marco A. :

1906. El Corregimiento de Sana y el Problema His-
torico de la Fundacion de Trujillo. RH, i,
pages 151-191; 337-373; 486-514. Lima.
(Cf. especially page 370.)

110 In rebuilding Cuzco the Spaniards utilized the
massive walls of the Inca structures as a basis for their
own erections of adobe and plaster and wood. The
result is that one often sees in the Cuzco of today a

Notes 525

contrast between the austere grandeur of the lower
stories and the tawdry flimsiness of the upper ones.
The vast square in the centre of the city was made
smaller by the building of some new houses.

m The musical instruments of pre-Inca period in
Peru were all of the percussion or of the wind varieties,
stringed instruments being unknown. Consult:

MEAD, Charles W.:

1903. The Musical Instruments of the Incas.
AMNHGL, No. 11. New York.

112 The war of Tunis, waged by Charles V against
Barbarossa, corsaii; Moslem king of Tunis, culminated
in July, 1535, with the taking of the great fortress of la
Goleta. Consult:

CHAPMAN, Charles E. :

1918. A History of Spain. New York. Page 242.

118 The word yungas is here used to mean hot. The
leader of the besieging force was an uncle of Manco
Inca.

U4 The Indian attacks upon Cuzco were made all the
more formidable during this memorable siege by the
fact that the Indians had learned how to use European
arms and armour. Pedro Pizarro here makes an
important remark, for he says that a Tambo (i. e.,
Paccari-Tampu or Tampu-Tocco) in Condesuyo (Cunti-

526 Notes

suyu) was the original home of the Incas. This dis-
proves the claim that the home of the Incas was north-
east of Cuzco, and makes it extremely likely that it was
southwest of the city.

115 For information about Alonso Enriquez (de Guz-
man), see Introduction.

116 Almagro seized Cuzco about the middle of April,
1537.

117 I have not been able to locate this place.

118 It is clear that Pizarro confuses the name Antis,
belonging to a savage tribe in the eastern forests, with
Andes, the name given to the mountains by the Span-
iards.

119 Vitcos, the last Inca capital, has been seen and
described by Professor Hiram Bingham. Consult:
BINGHAM, Hiram:

1912. Vitcos, the Last Inca Capital. Worcester,
Mass.

120 The point of this remark is by no means clear.
Possibly it is a reference to some fancied effeminacy on
Aldana’s part. At all events it was very foolish of
Almagro to antagonize Aldana.

121 F or descriptions of these wonderful bridges, see
Garcilasso, 1869, pages 253-260; Cieza de Leon, 1864,
pages 314-315.

122 Almagro was put to death July 8, 1538.

Notes 527

128 Manco Inca withdrew into Vilcabamba and to
Vitcos in January, 1537.

124 The Indian lady thus atrociously murdered is said
by Cieza de Leon to have been the mistress of Fran-
cisco Pizarro, of Gonzalo Pizarro and of Antonio
Picado. Consult:

CIEZA DE LEON, Pedro de:

1918. The War of Chupas. Ed. by CRM, Hakluyt
Soc., London. Page 3.

125 Pizarro was assassinated on June 26, 1541. A
very full account of it appears in the work cited in the
previous Note.

126 Needless to state, the aspersions cast upon Cieza
de Leon by our author are quite unjustifiable.

127 Vaca de Castro was at Quito in November, 1541.
(Cartas de Indias, page 465.)

128 As Arequipa itself is not only a good distance
inland but also some thousands of feet above the sea,
“the port of Arequipa” must be either Islay or Tambo.

129 Picado was beheaded in October, 1540. (Prescott,
1916, page 440.)

130 Cieza calls this man Herrada, not Rada.

181 Castro was working southward from Quito at this
time.

182 The battle of Chupas took place on 16 September,
1542.

528 Notes

188 Remarks about Pedro Pizarro’s geography will be
found in the Introduction, Section on Geographical
Aspects.

184 Blasco Nunez Vela reached Peru early in March,
1544. He arrived at Lima in May.

185 This must be a different Picado, as the secretary
was dead.

186 Illan Xuarez de Carbajal was killed by Blasco
Nunez Vela on 13 September, 1544. This outrageous
act turned the Audience against Nunez.

187 The rebellion of Diego Centeno against Gonzalo
Pizarro began about May, 1545. The battle of Gua-
rina or Huarina took place on October 21, 1547.

188 There can be very little doubt but that Gonzalo
Pizarro, encouraged by Carvajal, really entertained the
ambition to make himself king. Consult:

CIEZA DE LEON, Pedro de:

1913. War of Quito. Ed. by CRM, Hakluyt Soc.,
London. Page 161.

189 The remarks made by Pizarro as to the skin-
colour of the Peruvians are very important and, prob-
ably, truthful. Today one finds people who claim to
be pure Indian in blood who are very light in colour,
but it is not possible to be sure that they have not some
white blood.

140 The rebellion of Hernandez Giron lasted 1553-
1555.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WORKS CON-

STILTED IN CONNECTION WITH

THE PRESENT EDITION

OF PEDRO PIZARRO’S

RELATION

ABBREVIATIONS

AA American Anthropologist.

AASP American Antiquarian

Society, Proceedings.

(Worcester, Mass.)
AMNHGL ? American Museum of

Natural History, Guide

Leaflet. (New York.)

APSP American Philosophical

Society of Philadelphia.

ASAF Anales de la Socit6

Americaine de France.

BAE Bureau of American Eth-
nology, Washington.

BSGL Boletm de la Sociedad

Geografica de Lima.

CIAAP Congres International

d’Anthropologie et
d’Archeologie Prehisto-
riques.

691

532 Bibliography

CRM Clements R. Markham.

FCMP Field Columbian Museum

Publications. (Chi-
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GR Geographical Review.

(New York.)

HAHR Hispanic American His-
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ington.)

ICA International Congress of

Americanists.

JRGS Journal of the Royal Geo-
graphical Society.

JSAP Journal de la Societe des

Americanistes de Paris.

MAAA Memoirs of the American

Anthropological Asso-
ciation.

MCAAS Memoirs of the Connecti-
cut Academy of Arts
and Sciences. (New
Haven.)

NGM National Geographic

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PAPS Proceedings of the Ameri-
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Bibliography 533

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PMP Peabody Museum, Papers.

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RH RevistaHistorica. (Lima.)

SMP Smithsonian Miscellane-

ous Publications.
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TCAAS Transactions of the Con-
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v.2 kingdoms of Peru

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