PEDRO PIZARRO. RELATION OF THE DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF THE KINGDOMS OF PERU. VOLUME I

PEDRO PIZARRO. RELATION OF THE DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF THE KINGDOMS OF PERU. VOLUME I.
Педро Писарро. Сообщение об Открытии и Завоевании Королевств Перу. Том 1.

PEDRO PIZARRO. RELATION OF THE DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF THE KINGDOMS OF PERU. VOLUME I

IN TWO VOLUMES

VOLUME I

TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH AND ANNOTATED

BY

PHILIP AINSWORTH MEANS

\

THE CORTES SOCIETY

NEW YORK

1921

*

COCKAYNE, BOSTON

CONTENTS

PACK

TRANSLATOR’S PREFACE 7

INTRODUCTION TO PEDRO PIZARRO’S RELACION
DEL DESCUBRIMIENTO Y CONQUISTA DE LOS
REINOS DEL PERU 9

PRELIMINARY COMMENTS 9

PRE-COLUMBIAN PERU 10

THE STATUS OF SPANISH RULE IN AMERICA
IN 1531 40

GEOGRAPHICAL ASPECTS OF THE WORK OF
PEDRO PIZARRO 43

THE LIFE OF PEDRO PIZARRO …. 79

THE BIBLIOGRAPHICAL POSITION OF PEDRO
PIZARRO 83

-> FIRST GROUP OF AUTHORITIES . . 85

SECOND GROUP 100

THIRD GROUP 108

CHRONOLOGY OF THE CONQUEST PERIOD IN THE

ANDEAN REGION 119

5

6 Contents

PACK

RELATION OF THE DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OP
THE KINGDOMS OF PERU, AND OF THE GOVERN-
MENT AND ARRANGEMENTS WHICH THE NA-
TIVES OF THEM FORMERLY HAD, AND OF THE
TREASURES WHICH WERE FOUND THEREIN,
AND OF THE OTHER EVENTS WHICH HAVE
TAKEN PLACE IN THOSE REALMS UP TO THE
DAY ON WHICH THE RELATION WAS SIGNED
BY PEDRO PIZARRO, A CONQUEROR AND
SETTLER OF THOSE SAID KINGDOMS, AND A
CITIZEN OF THE CITY OF AfiEQUIPA, IN THE

YEAR 1571 131

NOTES VOL. II 491

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WORKS CONSULTED IN CONNEC-
TION WITH THE PRESENT EDITION OF PEDRO

PIZARRO’S RELATION VOL. II 531

TRANSLATOR’S PREFACE

The present translation is based upon the
only two known editions of Pedro Pifcarro’s
‘ ‘ Relacion” . Of these the older will be found in
Martin Fernandez de Navarrete’s Coleccion
de documentos para la historia de Espana,
Volume V, pages 201-388, Madrid, 1844; the
other will be, found in the Coleccion de libros
y documentos referentes a la historia del Peru,
edited by Horacio H. Urteaga and Carlos A.
Romero, Volume VI, pages 1-185, Lima, 1917.

The present editor has been at considerable
pains to amplify his text with useful supple-
mentary material. In translating he has ad-
hered to the original, even preserving the less
important vagaries of style for the sake of
creating the same atmosphere in the transla-
tion as that which is found in the Spanish
text; but, in crucial places of special impor-
tance, he has never hesitated to give a loose
translation if obscurity as to an important

8 Translator’s Preface

point would otherwise be created. Capitaliza-
tion and the spelling of proper names follow
the original.

Thanks are due to Dr. A. C. Rivas of the
Pan-American Union, to Dr. A. Gandolfo
Herrera of the Argentine Embassy, Washing-
ton, and of Buenos Aires, and to Prof. Mar-
shall H. Saville for aid in translating certain
passages. To my mother, Mrs. James Means,
I am also indebted for help of various kinds.

PHILIP AINSWORTH MEANS

BOSTON, MASSACHUSETTS
September 25, 1920

AN INTRODUCTION

TO

PEDRO PIZARRO’S

RELACION DEL DESCUBRIMIENTO Y

CONQUISTA DE LOS REINOS

DEL PERU

Preliminary Comments

In order fully to comprehend the work of
Pedro Pizarro and its value we must inform
ourselves somewhat fully as to what may be
termed the historical landscape which he de-
scribes and of which he himself forms a feature.
In order to make this as convenient as possible
for the student, the present translation of the
“Relacion del descubrimiento y conquista de
los reinos del Peru” is provided with a suf-
ficiency of introductory and explanatory
matter, together with copious bibliographical
material and auxiliary appendices.

The “Relacion” is in effect, though not in
intention, an epitaph upon a civilization whose
little day is done. In order that some idea

10 Pedro Pizarro

of the historical and geographical aspects of
that civilization may be at hand for the
reader’s ready consultation, something will
be said of the development of that civiliza-
tion, of its environment and of the circum-
stances of its conquest by the forces of Castile.
It will also be found that some data as to our
author himself are provided, all of which,
it is to be hoped, will aid in giving to Pedro
Pizarro the preeminent position which he
deserves, but which few, save the great Pres-
cott, have accorded him.

Pre-Columbian Peru

Little by little modern research into docu-
mentary sources, modern analytical study of
folklore and tradition, and modern archeo-
logical investigation are, as it were, peeling
off the shroud-like wrappings which have so
long kept from us clear perception of the an-
cient history of the Andean region, generic-
ally called Peru by early Spanish writers,
and, more anciently still, called Ttahua-ntin-
suyu, The Land of the Four Provinces.

Introduction 11

Nevertheless, though we of today know far
more than did the writers of great Prescott’s
generation, our knowledge is still very im-
perfect; almost every year of study by in-
vestigators of several nationalities adds some
new items to what we already possess. Con-
sequently, all statements made today, and
all theories now put forth, must be frankly
acknowledged to be tentative, strictly subject
to confirmation or to reversal by future study.
If we bear this in mind, however, there can
be no harm in stating what now seem to be
the salient features of pre-Columbian history
in the Andean region.

It is probable, then, that the region in
question received its earliest inhabitants from
Central America, perchance two thousand
years ago, more or less. At that time Cen-
tral America had long been the seat of a com-
plex and rather numerous population who had,
for centuries, been slowly advancing from the
humble stage of culture in which their dis-
tant Asiatic ancestors had lived. 1 As a re-
sult of growing pressure, perhaps economic or

12 Pedro Pizarro

agrarian, perhaps political, perhaps of some
unconjectured description, little groups of
families or clans began to wander, quite un-
directed, quite vaguely, down the shores of
the land-mass on which they lived. There
was here no element of the carefully planned
migration which some writers have sought to
establish. Rather, the series of movements
instituted in this indefinitely remote epoch
was of precisely the same haphazard nature
as that which first gave our continent its
earliest inhabitants. In time two streams,
both intermittent no doubt, of undirected
little knots of nomads began to pour south-
ward, some following the Atlantic seaboard
and some that of the Pacific. A number of
the tribes thus aimlessly drifting found homes
as time went on along their line of travel, and
they established themselves permanently in
the new found lands. Their progress there-
after depended on what degree of inborn
genius for advancement they may have pos-
sessed or upon the reaction on them of their
new surroundings. 2

Introduction 13

As the result of this process, or one very
like it, a period which we may roughly date
as 200 A.D. found a long line of rather ad-
vanced seaboard states flourishing on the
coast of Peru. In the interior, on the At-
lantic watershed of the continent, another set
of societies, less advanced, but possessing
excellent cultural potentialities, was estab-
lished, its ancestor-folk having drifted inland
from the Atlantic shore. As yet, in all prob-
ability, there was little, if any, contact between
the two sets of cultures. 3

As time went on, naturally enough, both
sets of societies, those inland and those on the
Pacific littoral, underwent modifications of
one sort and another. They kept thrusting
out feelers, so to speak; trade constantly
enlarged the sphere of their interests and
geographical knowledge. In time, the two
met, blended, and to some extent, merged.
The result was the weird but colourful civili-
zation to which modern nomenclature applies
the name “Tiahuanaco”, using the compara-
tively recent name of an important centre of

14 Pedro Pizarro

the culture as an arbitrarily chosen label for
the whole. The Tiahuanaco culture, passing
through many phases, both chronologically
and geographically, was probably at its height
between 500 and 1000 A.D.4

It is now well known that the civilization
of Central America underwent a marked period
of depression between 700 and 1000 A.D. It
seems not unlikely that a similar phenomenon
took place in the Andean region in the tenth
century A.D. It is fairly clear that the cul-
tural retrogression which then took place was
far more pronounced in the highlands than
it was on the coast. It is not known, of course,
whether or not the causes of this contrast were
economic, climatic, or otherwise. We can
but conjecture, more or less fruitlessly, as to
whether or no such calamities as incursions
by savage and undeveloped tribes, as pesti-
lences, or as earthquakes, may not have had
uneven results in the highlands and on the
littoral. 6

At all events, it is comparatively certain
that the societies in the coast valleys con-

Introduction 15

tinued with the rather elevated degree of
culture to which they had attained pre-
viously to the postulated catastrophe. Some
dropping-off, some loss in skill and in dex-
terity, some shortening of sail with respect to
political pretensions perhaps did take place.
But whatever limitations of this sort may have
been fixed upon, cultural activities on the
coast were as nothing in comparison to the
chaos and retardation which prevailed for
generations in the highlands, during the
eleventh century and, in some localities, for
many decades thereafter. Probably by 1250,
more or less, the coast civilizations were again
as brilliant as they had been in the earlier
days, and they continued so until about 1400. 6

In the interior, about the year 1100, a
small and not powerful tribe, called Inca,
began its extraordinary career. The simplest t
way for us to picture Inca history is to sketch, V
very briefly, the accomplishments of the
various chiefs of the Inca tribe. 7

First of all, in the course of the develop-
ment which changed the Inca tribe into a

16 Pedro Pizarro

dynasty, the Incas had to move from their
original home, some leagues south-west of
Cuzco, 8 into the Cuzco valley itself. At that
time the whole mountain region of the Andes
was occupied by tribes or ayllus which were
in varying grades of culture, but most of
which, no doubt, were vestiges of the former
Tiahuanaco “empire” already referred to.
Of these tribes the Incas were one. When,
about 1100, or shortly before, they moved
into the Cuzco valley, they found several other
tribes, whose culture was not very different
from their own, already in possession. Strife
followed, as an outcome of which the Incas
definitely became dominant in the Cuzco
valley and its neighbourhood. 9

The first semi-historic chief of the Incas is
known to us as Sinchi Rocca, a name which
merits a few words of comment. Sinchi is
the title borne by the heads of tribes at the
time the Incas moved to Cuzco. It seems
not unlikely that the sinchi were originally
elected by the heads of families to lead the
warriours in times of unusual stress or danger,

Introduction 17

much in the fashion of the early Roman
dictator. Gradually, however, the sinchi-ship
changed itself into an hereditary office. The
occurrence of this title in connexion with the
name of the first known Inca chief strongly
suggests that he was merely one sinchi among
a throng of others, just as the Inca tribe was
but one of a host of similar tribes. 10 The
first rung of the ladder which the Inca tribe
was destined Jo climb was, then, the subjec-
tion by its sinchi of other sinchis to his will. 11
Sinchi Rocca (ca. 1105-1140) ruled over a
compact little hegemony of tribes in the
neighbourhood of the Cuzco valley. To the
North and to the South, in the highlands,
spread out a long series of tribes much like
those which acknowledged his overlordship.
Here and there, notably at Cuzco itself, at
Chavin, at Tiahuanaco and at many other
places, ruins of ancient buildings, surviving
from the earlier empire days remained, as did
also, no doubt, a considerable mass of customs,
folklore and beliefs.

18 Pedro Pizarro

Not unnaturally, the first conquests made
by the Incas lay toward the South. Their
own earlier home, and the seat of the ancient
empire were in that direction. Perhaps float-
ing fables of another era encouraged them to
turn their eyes in that locality. Under
Lloque Yupanqui (1140-1195, circa), they
progressed gradually up the broad open Uru-
bamba valley, adding tribe after tribe, some-
times by force of arms, sometimes by guile,
sometimes by a cunning mixture of strength
and diplomacy, to their growing realm. By
the end of this Inca’s reign they had made
themselves supreme throughout the strip of
territory between Cuzco on the North and
Lake Titicaca on the South. At the Pass of
Vilcanota, mid-way between Cuzco and the
northern end of the Lake, they passed from
the region where their own language, Runa-
simi or Quechua, was the dominant one into
that where Colla, incorrectly called Aymara,
prevailed. In later times, at least, there was
a wall across the vale at this point, a wall
which, perhaps, was built by the earlier Incas

Introduction 19

for strategic purposes in their wars against
the folk of Colla stock. 12

The third Inca, Mayta Capac (ca. 1195-
1230) carried the Inca rule entirely around
Lake Titicaca, thrusting out expeditions into
the eastern forests on the one hand and toward
the Pacific Ocean on the other. Southwardly
he carried his rule considerably beyond
Chuqui-apu, now La Paz. The people with
whom he had to contend were Collas, not
higher cultured than the Incas, albeit they
lived in the heart of the region where the
Tiahuanaco “empire” had flourished prior to
the putative catastrophe already mentioned.

Capac Yupanqui, the fourth Inca (ca. 1230-
1250) was sovereign during the tune when
further conquests southward were made in
the highlands, and when the Inca domination
upon the coast was inaugurated and assured
by the addition of the littoral in the vicinity
of Nasca, Acan and Arequipa to the Inca
realm.

We have now reached the end of what may
be termed the Early Inca Period. It* is a

20 Pedro Pizarro

time characterized by the carrying out with
notable success of a series of preliminary
conquests. The foes of the Incas at this
period were evenly matched with them in
point of culture and of strength. In one way
or another the Inca tribe of Cuzco always
won out in its wars, and, by means of skill-
fully consolidating the additions to its territory
and its subjects, it built up an ample dominion,
one of sufficient strength to meet successfully
the sterner struggles of the future.

In the Middle Inca Period, Rocca II is the
first Sapa Inca or sovereign, for the Incas
may now safely be called a royal clan. In
his day (ca. 1250-1315) conquests in the South
were of but slight importance in comparison
with those made in the North. The latter
brought him into hostile contact with the first
of the stronger foemen whom the Incas had
to vanquish, that is, with the Chanca con-
federation, a society which had been growing
in much the same fashion as that of the Incas,
one which controlled large regions in the high-
lands north of Cuzco. 13 He tried out his

Introduction 21

strength against these people, and his wars
with them were a sort of overture to those
which took place later. Comparatively speak-
ing, the martial activities of Rocca II were
modest; he seems to have devoted a generous
measure of his attention to internal reforms
and to material progress in several directions. 14
Yahuar Huaccac (ca. 1315-1347) was really
named Cusi Hualpa, but the name Yahuar
Huaccac, He-who-weeps-blood, is the one by
which he is generally known. He was any-
thing but able and valiant. The conquests
made during his reign were all in the South,
and they seem to have been made by his gen-
erals rather than by the Inca himself. Seeing
his pusillanimous nature, the Chancas, who
doubtless perceived that strife was inevitable,
determined to rid themselves forever of the
menace of Inca domination. In this emer-
gency, Yahuar Huaccac conducted himself
with characteristic cowardice, the situation
being saved only by the illegal, but providen-
tial, interference of the Sapa Inca’s son,
Viracocha. The advancing hosts of the

22 Pedro Pizarro

Chanca confederation were valiantly met by
Prince Hatun Tupac at the plain of Xaqui-
xaguana, now called Anta or Zurite. This
plain is some leagues to the North of Cuzco.
Because of its wide expanse and because of
the fact that it commands the approach to
Cuzco from the North, it has been a battle-
ground for centuries. Legend tells us that
Prince Hatun Tupac was strengthened and
encouraged by a visitation from the god Vira-
cocha whose name he adopted and to whose
honour he erected a great temple at Urcos,
south of Cuzco. This battle of Xaquixa-
guana was undoubtedly the crisis of the Inca
dynasty’s career. On the slopes of the moun-
tains round about the plain throngs of the
Inca’s vassals watched in the role of calculat-
ing neutrals to see in which direction the tide
of combat would turn, and when the Chancas
seemed to be doomed they hastened down to
take a hand in their vanquishment. Had
Viracocha lost this battle, the Chancas, and
not the Incas, would have been dominant in
the mountains thenceforth. 15 After the day

Introduction 23

was won, Viracocha moved his father into
retirement and he himself assumed control of
the dominion. The site of the battle became
a favourite residence of his, and the wonder-
ful terraces of his palace of Caquia Xaquixa-
guana (My refuge Xaquixaguana) may still
be seen. 16

During the reign of Viracocha (ca. 1347-
1400) many reforms and improvements were
effected within the dominion. It is probable,
likewise, that ‘some of the people far to the
South, in the region of Tucuman, voluntarily
came into the empire. The territories for-
merly subject to the Chancas were also con-
solidated in the usual thorough-going manner
of the Incas. 17

With the Inca Pachacutec (ca. 1400-1448)
we come to the beginning of the great or Late
Inca Period. Large sections of the moun-
tains and an important part of the coast were
all solidly a part of the Inca empire. The
remainder of the coast was still the seat of a
series of societies more highly civilized than
any of the mountaineers. It was now the

24 Pedro Pizarro

task of the Incas to overcome these advanced
and formidable confederacies on the littoral.
The latter had long been at war among them-
selves; they had all manner of weapons and
fortifications; their cities were stoutly de-
fended by massive walls and by fighters with
spear-throwers, slings and other weapons
perhaps superior to those which the highland-
ers then knew. 18 In the long strife upon which
the Inca dynasty of Cuzco now entered they
found foemen whom they could not scorn as
being inferior to themselves in point of ma-
terial culture and social organization; they
met opponents from whom they might and
did learn much in many ways; they en-
countered enemies upon whom they could
not impose their own institutions in their
totality and with whom, perforce, they had to
compromise with respect to such matters as
religion, language, art-forms and architec-
ture. 19

At the time when Pachacutec, whom the
late Sir Clements Markham hailed as “The
best all-round genius produced by the native

Introduction 25

race of America”, 20 came to the Inca-ship,
the coast, north of that part of it already held
by the Incas, was ruled by four great chiefs
each of whom had vassal chiefs under his
authority. The four great lords were, be-
ginning in the South, the chief of Chincha,
the lord of Runahuanac (by name or by title
Chuquimancu), the chief of Pachacamac
(whose title was Cuismancu and who ruled a
wide expanse of coast lands, rivalled only by
him whom the Incas called Chimu Capac),
the Great Chimu, who was the last of the four
great lords, and who held sway over the entire
coast from Huaman (now la Barranca) up
to the Chira River, and perhaps beyond. 21
It is to be understood that these coastal
domains were rather loose-jointed and feudal
in their political institutions. Originally each
separate valley, bordered by the deserts, the
mountains and the sea, had been a self-con-
taining political entity. But, by a process
similar to that which has been noted in the
highlands, the stronger chiefs gradually over-
awed and subdued their weaker neighbours,

26 Pedro Pizarro

permitting them to rule on as vassal kings.
Thus were extensive feudal states built up in
the course of time, and it was with them that
the Inca had now to contend, for they banded
together, forgetting their own border war-
fares, to combat him, the common enemy.
The conquest of the coastal lordships occu-
pied a long stretch of years, but at length,
thanks to martial strength and strategic
cunning, thanks likewise, no doubt, to timely
diplomatic blandishments and to judicious
compromise, it was an accomplished fact,
Pachacutec being the leader in the vast under-
taking. The Incas now found themselves the
acknowledged sovereigns of league upon league
of well-tilled coastal valley, of thousands of
high-cultured dwellers in the valleys, and of
many an imposing town, much more impos-
ing, indeed, than their own yet were. In a
word, with Pachacutec the Incas were at the
zenith of their development. It is true that
their rule was wider spread in later reigns,
but it is doubtful if their power and worth
were truly greater. 22

Introduction 27

The next sovereign of the Inca dynasty was
Tupac Yupanqui (ca. 1448-1482). He fol-
lowed in the footsteps of his father, adding
large regions in what is now Ecuador to his
empire. In that country, on both shore and
highlands, native cultures of considerable
vigour had long flourished. 23 It is not yet
made clear what their history may have been,
save in the broadest terms. It seems not
impossible, however, that the dynasty of
Quito, called* Caran Scyri, may have had a
history and a development much like that of
the earlier Incas. The dwellers on the coast
of Ecuador are still a great puzzle to investiga-
tors. In addition to these conquests, Tupac
Yupanqui consolidated those begun in the
highlands to the South by his father. He
likewise, either in person or through his gen-
erals, added about half of modern Chile to
his realm, coming in contact there with the
hardy, brave, unconquerable Araucanians
whose valour was such as to win immortality
for them from the words of Ercilla y Zuniga. 24
Likewise, a beginning was made of an unsuc-

28 Pedro Pizarro

cessful effort to subdue the savage Chiri-
guanas who were a part of the great Guarani
stock of the eastern forests. 25

Under Huayna Capac (1482-1525) there
was but little conquering, save some minor
military activities in the eastern portions of
the empire both north and south of Cuzco.
The extraordinary indigenous empire was at
the fullest development territorially to which
it ever attained. It is vain, at this distant
time, to try and make flat statements which,
in the nature of things, can never be either
proved or disproved with finality. Never-
theless, when one observes the state of the
Inca realm as it was between 1525 and 1531,
he can not help thinking that the initial burst
of expansive energy which had called the em-
pire into being five centuries before had about
spent its force, that the empire, if left un-
molested a few generations more, would have
broken up into its original elements.

Many things point to the probability of the
Inca empire being, in 1531, a state menaced
by permanent disintegration, if not by actual

Introduction 29

collapse and ruin. Huayna Capac’s legiti-
mate heir was Titu Cusi Hualpa (better known
as Huascar), who was the son of the Sapa
Inca’s chief wife. He had another son, how-
ever, by a secondary wife, who was probably,
but not surely, a daughter of the vanquished
royal house of Quito. 26 This son, Atahualpa,
was more dearly beloved by the old Inca than
was Huascar, and so Huayna Capac made him
his heir so far as the northern portion of his
realm was coilcerned, leaving only the south-
ern two-thirds, with Cuzco as their capital,
to Huascar. It is, of course, within the
bounds of possibility that the Sapa Inca’s
intention was wiser than his act. He may
have perceived that the empire was becoming
unwieldy, and he may have hoped that, by
dividing it thus into two independent parts,
he would give to each a new lease of life, just
as a plant is invigourated by pruning, and by a
lopping off of branches. If this was his in-
tention and desire, however, it was not pro-
ductive of the good results he hoped for,
because both Huascar and Atahualpa were

30 Pedro Pizarro

ambitious, and both aspired to hold the same
power that had been held by their father.
As a result of this, civil war broke out between
the two, and Ttahua-ntin-suyu was being
wrenched and weakened by it when the
Spaniards came in 1531-1532.

If the fact of civil war is such as to suggest
that the Inca empire was degenerate, it is by
no means the only thing which points in that
direction. Beginning humbly enough, the
Incas had gradually increased their prestige
and power. The earlier sovereigns of the
dynasty had married the daughters of neigh-
bouring sinchis with whom they sought alli-
ance. As time went on, however, they de-
veloped a dynastic haughtiness, a quaint
tribal snobbishness, which caused them to
hold themselves aloof from and vastly superior
to even the highest of their vassals. Inces-
tuous marriages resulted from this tendency,
the earliest being that of Viracocha with
his sister Mama Runtucaya. 27 Perhaps this
custom, combining with the bad example set
by the morally nasty people of some parts of

Introduction 31

the coast, was the cause 9f a real physical
degeneracy on the part of the later Incas.
At all events, we know that Huayna Capacwas
a sick man, and it is by no means impossible
that his ailment was syphilis or some kindred
disease. 28

Such, in very brief form, was the history of
the Inca empire. It now remains for us to
say something about its institutions and its
material culture.

Methodicit^ is perhaps the most prominent
characteristic feature of Inca political institu-
tions. In their early days, they continued in
office those sinchis whom they conquered,
each tribe preserving its internal organization
composed of the heads of families. The
family, and not the individual, was the basis
and unit of society. Extending this policy
to their future and later conquests, the Incas
mediatized those coastal chiefs whom they
overcame, only gradually systematizing and
regulating the internal political mechanism
of their possessions. In the last reigns of
the Inca period there was an elaborately

32 Pedro Pizarro

methodical, but very effective, hierarchy of
administrators, beginning with the heads of
families and working up to the formerly in-
dependent province with its mediatized curaca
or chief. These, in turn, yielded obedience to
the governor of one of the four great provinces
who, finally, were answerable to the Sapa
Inca himself. The Incas showed great astute-
ness in thus adapting to their needs social
institutions already established in use. 29

The need of such a system was created by
the nature of the fundamental policies of
Inca rule. Two conceptions as to character
of that rule may easily be formed from a study
of the materials at our disposal. To judge
merely by what we read in the pages of Pedro
Pizarro and in those of Pedro Sarmiento de
Gamboa, the subjects of the Sapa Inca were
in a doleful plight indeed. According to such
writers there never has been a government
more all-pervasive, not to say meddlesome,
than that of the Incas. They portray a state
in which individual free-will and personal
liberty of action were practically non-existent.

Introduction 33

Every least little thing was liable to regulation
and supervision by the government. There
were “overseers” by the score, all making the
most intimate examination into the personal
affairs of the people. All society, women as
well as men, was divided up into groups on a
basis of the amount of work they could do.
At every angle of his existence, the subject of
the Sapa Inca daily encountered some func-
tionary representing the supreme and sacro-
sanct authority of the sovereign. Blind obe-
dience and unquestioning self-abnegation must
ever be accorded.

Such is one of the two possible interpreta-
tions. Is it just? Is it complete? Many
modern students, including Sir Clements
Markham, have thought that the lot of the
people as a whole was not by any means
unhappy. Elsewhere 30 the present writer
has presented this brighter side of the pic-
ture. Granting that governmental super-
vision was very wide spread, is such super-
vision, properly directed, necessarily pro-
ductive of woe among the masses? Can the

34 Pedro Pizarro

miserable state of some of the peoples in the
Andes of today justly be said to have been
caused by the rigid governmental control
of Inca days? History clearly proclaims
that it can not, for there were in pre-Colum-
bian Peru many vestiges, still full of real
vigour, of that basic democracy which char-
acterized the old ayllu. The head of the fam-
ily still held much power, and he could still
lift up his voice with telling insistence in
the tribal assembly. He could still bring
his complaint before his sovereign in person.
Primogeniture was a practice of but slight
rigidity among those people; if a young son
by a secondary wife possessed more per-
sonal merit than the older sons of the pri-
mary wife, he could, if he wished, make that
greater merit felt in a variety of ways. A
man humbly born, if richly endowed by
nature, could rise to positions of great trust.
Justice and an attitude of fair-mindedness
were prevalent. Social atrocities were un-
known, at least so far as we can now judge,
in the Andes prior to 1531, albeit militant

Introduction 35

expansiveness, very much like that of Rome,
was the rule. The fact that a total lack of
the myriad economic irritations resultant
from the use of specie or its substitutes was
done away with by the non-existence among
them of pecuniary considerations likewise
did much to soften what might otherwise
have been a rigourous system. Finally, a
policy of quid pro quo was steadfastly ad-
hered to; if much was demanded of the
subject much was done for him. He need never
fear hunger, nakedness, idleness or lack of
shelter. If illness or old age overtook him, the
state gave him all that he needed for comfort
and well-being, and there was no humiliation
involved in the acceptance of state aid, for it
was given in exchange for the individual’s
services during his, or her, more vigourous
years.

For religious purposes another hierarchy,
with various grades of male and female mem-
bers, existed. Characteristically, and like the
Romans, the Incas usually made no attempt
to blot out local cults provided only that their

36 Pedro Pizarro

own worship of the Sun, the Moon, and the
Planets, was acknowledged as the official
religion. The earlier and loftier adoration of
an unseen God, called variously Viracocha,
Irma, Con, or Pachacamac, a Creator-God of
noble type, seems to have survived into Inca
times, and to have been the property of the
Inca tribe itself, in addition to the Sun-cult
just mentioned. It is quite clear that there
were wide gulfs, philosophically speaking,
between the ruling class and the commonalty,
for we have folklore which shows us that the
Incas themselves were by no means wanting
in sound ethical and philosophical concepts. 31
In the matter of architecture, art, way of
living, and in all the other aspects of material
culture, the Incas manifested the same orderli-
ness, the same methodicity and the same love
of logical balance and rhythm that they dis-
played in everything else. They were apt
pupils. Their growth with regard to archi-
tecture alone shows this. They were a people
very like the Japanese in that they could seize
with avidity upon good elements in the culture

Introduction 37

of other folks and could weave adaptations of
some of that alien culture’s best elements into
the fabric of their own civilization. Their
earlier buildings were simply built, of uncut
stones laid in mud. They were neither beauti-
ful nor commodious nor solid. They were
shelters, and rude ones, against the inclemen-
cies of Andean climate. They were buildings
no better than the peasant-dwellings of pre-
Revolutionary France or the Shetland Island
turf-huts of today. At Lake Titicaca, how-
ever, the Incas found vestiges of earlier build-
ings which stimulated them to learn the art
of stone-cutting in which their predecessors
had been so proficient. Structures of their
middle period, such as some of the palaces at
Cuzco and on the shores of Lake Titicaca, and,
especially, the great temple of Viracocha at
Urcos, show their progress. On the coast,
when they came thither, they found huge cities
of austere grandeur and awe-engendering size
the architecture of which offered much nourish-
ment to their imaginations. So, in the last

38 Pedro Pizarro

days of their career we find the Incas building
cities and fortresses like Pisac, Machu Pichu,
Caiiar, Riobamba and Tomebamba. The
outstanding features of these places is the
magnificent masonry, quite without mortar,
composed of perfectly dressed stones laid in
faultlessly regular tiers. Most of the walls are
straight, but here and there a round or an oval
tower lends variety to the whole. The effect
is one of splendid though stern solidity, and
of infinitely painstaking workmanship. The
Inca genius was not one which, in comparison
with that of the coast dwellers, lent itself to
exuberant colouration; rather it sought per-
fection of form, and regularity of mass.
Richly sombre tones, relieved perhaps with
the dull glint of gold or silver, made the
interiors of Inca palaces voluptuously but
darkly splendid. This was more so in Cuzco
itself, probably, than elsewhere, for the usual
building-stone there was a dull brown product
of the vicinity, whereas on the coast adobe
lent itself to mural painting, and in other

Introduction 39

parts of the highlands brilliant pinkish-white
granite was employed to a large extent.

The civilization which the Spaniards ex-
tinguished was, then, a very remarkable one.
Yet, undeniably, it had lacks and limitations
which prevented its rising out of the lower
groups of civilizations. Among these the chief
perhaps were the ignorance of writing, of
wheeled vehicles, of iron, of milk and of
efficient beasts of burden. To be sure, the
Incas with their wonderful path-building abil-
ity, their careful administration aided by
post-runners and beacon-fires, their skill in
subjecting unruly elements by means of
moving recalcitrant populations bodily into
loyal districts, were able to accomplish very
much in spite of the limitations under which
they laboured. But all this only serves to
make it more plain that their fundamental
misfortune, like that of the Central American
civilizations, was the utter isolation which
robbed them of all that stimulating contact
with outside peoples which would have sent
them ahead by long strides. 82

40 Pedro Pizarro

The Status of Spanish Rule in America in 1531
After the first voyage of Columbus, in
1492, the growth of Spanish control in the
New World was rapid but, on the whole,
erratic. The coasts of the South American
land-mass, the West Indies, and Florida were
well understood as early as 1507. Then, in
1513, Vasco Nunez de Balboa discovered the
Pacific Ocean and in so doing heard the first
vague and enticing rumours of the Inca empire.
In 1517 Hernandez de Cordova made a voyage
which began the extension westward of the
Spanish rule, for up to that time the rich ter-
ritories bordering upon the Gulf of Mexico and
including the great Aztec state and the
wrecks of the Maya empire had remained un-
known to the Christians. In the following
year his explorations were continued and
supplemented by those of Grijalva. These
two men voyaged along the northern and
western coasts of the peninsula of Yucatan.
By some strange trick of Fate, Yucatan ac-
quired the reputation of being an island, and

Introduction 41

it did not win quite free of that character for
many decades, though a map of about 1530,
more authoritative than others, shows it as
a peninsula.

The year 1519, however, is remarkable as
showing us the beginning of the conquest by
Spaniards of a native American civilization
really formidable in quality. In that year
Fernando Cortes began his spectacularly bril-
liant conquests in Mexico, where, by subduing
the peoples controlled by the Aztec power of
Tenochtitlan, he established a bi-racial society
no less important and interesting than that
founded in Peru by Pizarro. In November,
1523, Pedro de Alvarado (who also took part
in the conquest of Peru) began the reduction
to vassalage of the Cakchiquel-Quiche peoples
of Guatemala. In the years 1524 and 1525
Cortes made his famous overland journey from
southern Mexico to the Gulf of Honduras by
way of Peten Itza, thus first bringing Spain
into contact with those sturdy Itzas, vestiges
of the Maya of long ago, who were not finally
reduced until 1696. Finally, in 1526, Francisco

42 Pedro Pizarro

de Montejo the Elder and his son of the
same name inaugurated their efforts to subdue
the northern Maya states of Yucatan, the
conquest of which was consummated in 1542.
All of these experiences were, inevitably,
of value to the men who conquered Peru, for
they gave an ability in the methods of fighting
required and the sort of diplomacy most
needed. Spain when she entered in upon her
enterprise in the Andes was no tyro. She
had worked out, at least to her own satisfac-
tion, what were the best policies to pursue
toward the natives and what were the most
efficacious means of governing them. From
her own institutional complex Spain selected
various governmental and agrarian elements
which, in Mexico, Yucatan and elsewhere,
she put into force. Chief among institutions
of this sort were the repartimientos (allot-
ments of Indians) and the encomiendas (allot-
ments of land, usually with its inhabitants as
labourers), for these had been used by the
Aragonesein their conquest of the Balearics un-
der Jaime el conquistador (thirteenth century).

Introduction 43

At the same time, the Spaniards in America
learned that, though the intentions of the
sovereign were most benign, his power, at
such a vast distance, was weak in practice,
and his wrath could easily be evaded. So
self-seeking colonists in Mexico and elsewhere
developed the custom of distorting native
social institutions so as to make them serve
their own unrighteous ends. In a short time
an unjust attitude of mind crystallized itself
into an honoured tradition, and the rapacity
of colonists fed itself unrestrictedly upon the
multitude of opportunities for exploitation
which came to hand. Thus was created in the
North a set of inter-racial grievances which
were presently duplicated in South America,
partly through the direct agency of men who
had participated in the events in Mexico
and Central America. 33

Geographical Aspects of the Work of Pedro

Pizarro

Being, as he was, one of the earliest writers
on Peru, it is, perhaps, inevitable that Pedro

44 Pedro Pizarro

Pizarro should furnish us with valuable geo-
graphical data. On the whole, however, it
is somewhat astonishing that we do not get
from him more than we do.

It should be noted at the outset that the
indigenes of the Andes were by no means
lacking in a geographical consciousness. In
the time of the Inca Pachacutec (ca. 1400-
1448) they had for generations been growing
in political power; Inca armies had long been
subduing new regions and strange tribes. It
was but natural that these conditions should
create in the ruling class what we may call a
geographical sensibility. Therefore we need
not be especially surprised when we read of
the use of some sort of relief-maps modelled
in clay, maps which were made for the Inca
Pachacutec and his successors. No doubt
these relief-maps were crudely executed
(though it is doubtful that they were more so
than some of the Christian maps which we
shall examine presently). Nevertheless, their
purpose was truly geographic. They were
instruments used in connexion with one of

Introduction 45

the most effective elements of the Inca ad-
ministrative mechanism. This was the system
of transferred colonies, mitimacuna in Quechua
and mitimaes in Castilian. These colonies
were of varying sizes and they were established
for divers reasons. If, for example, the Sapa
Inca found some community in the highlands
which was but recently brought within the
territory subject to him to be unruly, the
system of transferred colonies enabled him to
transport that* community bodily to some other
region where it would be surrounded by other
communities sincerely loyal to him. By their
new neighbours the mitimacuna would pres-
ently be either cowed or inveigled into obedi-
ence to the Sapa Inca. It is not to be sup-
posed that rulers so sagacious as the Incas
did such things without due consideration of
the geographical factors involved. Here it
was that the relief-maps were used. By
studying them the Inca could form some idea
of the natural environment of those whom he
proposed to transplant, and he could pick out
for them some destination suitable in this

46 Pedro Pizarro

respect to their qualities. Transferred col-
onies were also used for military purposes
and to exploit undeveloped regions.

Another manifestation of the geograph-
ical sensibility of the Incas is to be seen in
the arrangements which they made in con-
nexion with their conquest of the coast val-
leys. Their soldiers, being large-lunged
mountaineers inured by many centuries of
hereditary modification to highland condi-
tions, found the warm and thick-aired littoral
regions very onerous. This situation was
met by a system of relays established by the
later Incas. An army was formed for serv-
ice on the coast, but within a short space of
time it was relieved by a new army fresh
from the highlands.

Finally, in the course of their evolution
from an humble tribe surrounded by others
equally strong into a proud and imperial
dynasty ruling by force or by intellectual and
spiritual terrorism over widely divergent
peoples, the Incas developed the habit of
dividing up the land into provinces, some of

Introduction 47

them, if not all, having a sound foundation
in ethnic facts. When then* empire reached
its ultimate dimensions they arbitrarily cre-
ated four suyu or quarters. Cuzco was the
centre of reckoning as, indeed, it was the
focus of all things in Ttahua-ntin-suyu, the
Land of the Four Provinces. To the North
lay Chincha-suyu; to the East spread Anti-
suyu; hi the South was Colla-suyu, the land
of the Colla folk; and in the West Cunti-suyu
extended down to the southern valleys of
the shore-lands.

It is upon this phase of Inca geographical
lore that Pedro Pizarro throws valuable
light. What he has to say upon the subject
will be found toward the end of the Relation.

According to him, Puerto Viejo and its
region was a province. It included what is
now the Ecuadorian coast from Esmeraldas
southward to and beyond Manta. Some
parts of this extensive region were covered
with humid and pestilential jungles through
which plant-choked rivers ran; other parts
were dry and sterile like the Peruvian coast

48 Pedro Pizarro

further south. At the time of the Inca con-
quest, and in the early Spanish times, the
people of this district were comparative sav-
ages, though archeology reveals the fact
that the region had been the seat of much
more highly developed societies. It is very
questionable if the Incas consolidated this
region as thoroughly as they did others, for
with the exception of fine large emeralds, it
did not contain much to attract them. The
people were very bestial in their habits.

Concerning the Island of la Puna which,
according to our author, was the next prov-
ince, more may be said. It lies at the mouth
of the Guayaquil River. In appearance the
Island is very pleasing, for it has steep bluffs
about one hundred and fifty feet in height
around its edge. Inland, the country pre-
sents a park-like appearance, having many
open spaces with trees and shrubs, neither
of them particularly tropical in character,
distributed here and there. The climate is
not especially hot, due to the proximity of
the open sea, though up the river true trop-

Introduction 49

ical conditions assert themselves. The
Island, which is some twelve leagues in cir-
cumference, was subject to a curaca or chief
whose name or title is given in various forms,
Tumpala, Tumpalla, Tumbala or Tumbal
being the more common ones. At the time
of the conquest by Huayna Capac or by his
generals, the chief of la Puna was allied with
the chief of the region further up the river, a
region called Huancavillca. Tumpalla, when
faced with invasion by the Inca forces, behaved
with singular cunning and treachery, pre-
tending first to receive the Inca’s emissaries
in an amicable spirit, and later treacherously
turning upon them. At the time when Pi-
zarro and his men arrived upon the scene the
people of la Puna seem to have lost none of
their old truculency.

In telling us that Tumbez, Solana and
Parma formed the next province, Pedro
Pizarro as much as declares that the Tumbez
valley, the upper reaches of the Chira valley
and the northwardly coasts of the Bahia de
Payta formed a geographical unit. This

50 Pedro Pizarro

must be due to a mistake on his part, for it
is impossible to conceive on what basis Parina
and Solana, far removed by deserts from the
valley of Tumbez on the North, can be re-
garded as part of the Tumbez region. It is
possible that Pedro lumped them together
thus for convenience’s sake rather than for
any other reason. Tumbez itself lies in a
broad and fertile valley, much like all the
other coast valleys, save that, in the more
sheltered places, it is more intensely trop-
ical than those further south. The people
whom the Incas found there were like the
tribes of la Puna and Porto Vie jo (Manta) in
that they lacked completely all personal
decency. They were constantly at war with
their neighbours, especially with the folk of
la Puna. The Inca built among them the
small and inconspicuous fort now called la
Garita (the outpost), but he does not seem
to have found it worth while to erect more
pretentious structures in the district, for no
remains of such are now to be seen. Candia,
it will be remembered from reading Pedro

Introduction 51

Pizarro’s text and other early accounts, when
set ashore at Tumbez in 1527, brought back
astounding accounts of what he had seen.
In 1532, however, these were found to be
mere figments of the Greek soldier’s imagina-
tion, and Tumbez was seen to be but a poor
place.

Under the names of Tangarala, la Chira
and Pohechos Pedro Pizarro states that the
Chira valley is the next coast province. In
pre-Spanish days it was, as it still is, a thickly
populated and very productive valley. To
the North of it rises the Sierra de Amotape
or la Brea, now the site of rich oil-fields; to
the South stretches out the great Payta des-
ert. Between the two rolls the broad peren-
nial stream of the Chira, with richly green
banks where all manner of fruits and flowers
vie in abundance with the fine cotton plants
of the valley. Solana, near the upper end
of the valley, and not to be confused with
Sullana further down, is, like Pohechos or
Poechos and la Chira (now So jo), distin-
guished by the presence of remains of large

52 Pedro Pizarro

edifices. Unfortunately no stratification of
pottery types has yet been established in
this region, but a study of those remains
which may be seen in private collections,
supplemented by inquiries into folklore and
history, reveals the probability of the Chira
valley having been at least nominally sub-
ject to the Chimu before it became vassal
to the Inca.

“Piura, Sarran Motupe, Cinto and other
small valleys as far as Chimo” constitute,
according to Pedro Pizarro, the next littoral
province. Thus gaily does he leap across the
great Payta desert and the still greater desert
of Sechura, to say nothing of those immense
stretches of sandy desolation further down
the coast. Yet there is considerable justifi-
cation for his haste. It is undoubtedly true
that all these fertile and thickly peopled val-
leys, separated though they were by leagues
of desert, were subject to the rule of the
Chimu when the Inca conquered them. Ar-
cheological evidences of Chimu occupation
are plentiful in all of them. It is, then, not

Introduction 53

unreasonable of our author to group them
together thus. At the time the Spaniards
arrived they had, no doubt, formed a polit-
ical group under the Incas, just as they very
likely had under the Chimu, and so it was
only natural that these northern valleys of
the old Chimu state should have been re-
garded as a province by the new invaders.
Archeology also proves that the Incas occu-
pied this district intensively.

f

In like manner Pedro Pizarro groups to-
gether the valleys between Chimo (Chimu,
now Trujillo in the Chicama-Moche valley),
they eleven or twelve in number, the most
important being those of Guanape, Santa,
Casma and Parmunca (now Paramonga).
None of these is named by Pedro Pizarro.
The last-mentioned was, in just pre-Inca
times, the frontier of the Chimu state toward
the South. Here again, it is excusable to
link the valleys together into a province, in
spite of the natural boundaries which sep-
arate them. The Chimu government, and
its successor the Inca government, over-

54 Pedro Pizarro

rode these natural delimitations, and erected,
no doubt, some sort of administrative delim-
itation which also ignored them. The great
fortress of Parmunca was augmented by the
Inca conquerors to its present dimensions,
partly as a means of impressing the coast
folk, and partly as a means of defense against
rebellions.

“Lima, Pachama [sic], Chincha, Yea, Lan-
asca, as far as Hacari” was the next province,
so Pedro informs us. Again, as often be-
fore, there is an apparent violation of geo-
graphical logic in this classification. But it
is only apparent. In earlier times, it is true,
these valleys were divided up into different
and much smaller political groups; but,
when the Inca conquest took place, the chief
of Chincha, as powerful as the Chimu, had
welded them into one strong confederation.

South of the Chincha confederation was a
stretch of coast from the valley of Tambo
(Tambo de Moro, perhaps, or Islay) down
to “Tapaca” (Tarapaca, no doubt). Pizarro
says nothing about it. In early times it

Introduction 55

had no interesting history, and its people
were undeveloped compared with those to
the North of them. The Incas moved some
Colla mitimacuna into the higher-lying parts
of the region.

Turning now to what Pedro Pizarro has
to say about the provinces of the interior we
find that he is governed by the same consid-
erations as controlled him in speaking of the
coast. He makes Quito a province by it-
self. In 1532 the Incas had not been mas-
ters of the region for very long. Before their
conquest of it Quito had had a dynasty and
an individuality of its own. This last is
carefully preserved by the classification of
our author.

What is now southern Ecuador was the
seat of a powerful and warlike folk called
Canari. This differentiation is also made
clear by Pedro Pizarro who, however, throws
in the “Tomebambas” (presumably Tome-
pampas) and the “Cajas” with the Canaris.
Whom he meant to indicate by these names
is obscure, but presumably he had in mind

56 Pedro Pizarro

some of the innumerable minor folk-groups
of the region.

Caxamalca (Cajamarca) , Guamalchuco
(Huamachuco), and Guambos were really
distinct communities. In pre-Inca times they
were links in the long chain of moderately
developed mountain societies of which the
Inca tribe itself had once been a link.

The same statement may be applied to
Guailas (Huayllas), the next province ac-
cording to Pedro Pizarro, to Tarama (Tar ma),
Atabillos and Bombon (anciently Pumpu),
which form the next province.

Then comes Pedro Pizarro’s province of
Xauxas Guancas. In this name we see a
running-together of the names of the region,
Xuaxa (anciently Sausa, now called Jauja),
and of the people, Huanca. These people
had a peculiar cult of the dog, and they de-
lighted in eating its flesh. They likewise
made drums out of dog skulls. These bar-
barous customs were sternly repressed by
the Incas.

Of the following provinces, Soras and Lluc-

Introduction 57

anas, Chachapoyas, and Guanca Chupachos,
only the second requires special comment.
Chachapoyas is here mentioned out of its
logical place, for it is much further north
than the other provinces just mentioned.
At Cuelap and other sites in Chachapoyas
there are many strikingly interesting remains
of a culture which seems clearly not to be
Quechua, but which has elements calling to
mind the Chimu or Mochica culture of the
coast and the Colla culture of the Titicaca
basin. How old these remains are is as yet
unknown. When the Incas conquered Cha-
chapoyas (then called Chachapuya) they
found it in the hands of a warlike but not
highly developed people whom they had
considerable difficulty in subduing. It is
clear, however, that Pizarro had a right to
regard the region in question as a distinct
province.

Guamanga (later Huamanga, now Aya-
cucho) is Pedro’s next province. It was
anciently held by the fierce Pocras tribe.

The province of Andaguailas, or rather its

58 Pedro Pizarro

inhabitants, the Chancas, is associated with
the first long step toward imperial power
made by the Incas. It is quite clear that
they had not long been resident in the region
where Viracocha found them and fought
against them. They had a social organiza-
tion similar to that of the people of Cuzco in
early Inca times, and, at the time of their
struggle with the growing power of Cuzco,
they were divided up into three rival groups
each with its own chief.

Parcos de Orejones is the next province in
Pedro Pizarro’s enumeration. The suffix,
“de Orejones” is accounted for by the fact
that at some time or other it was settled or
garrisoned by Cuzco nobles (orejones).

In stating that the succeeding provinces
are “called Vilcas, . . . Avancay, Aporima,
Tambo, Xaquixaguana and Cuzco” Pedro
Pizarro makes a significant statement, espe-
cially when he adds to it “these are nearly
all separate”. Vilcas is often called Vilcas-
huaman. It was an important centre in Inca
times, as the great number of remains of

Introduction 59

ancient buildings thereabout testifies. Apor-
ima is now called Apurimac. The name sig-
nifies “The Mighty Speaker” doubtless in
reference to the roar of the torrent through
its majestic and narrow chasm. The temple
there, described by our author and others,
seems to have had some of the functions of
an oracle. Tambo, anciently Tampu, and
now called Ollantaytambo, was evidently of
importance even in Tiahuanaco times, if we
may judge by the architectural and other
remains that have been found there. It is a
narrow valley with a flat and very fertile
floor. Here and there one sees a long line of
anden or terrace-walls constructed by the
subjects of the Inca to aid the agriculturists.
Xaquixaguana, now called Zurite or Anta,
presents a sharp contrast to the Urubamba
valley at Ollantaytambo (into which it drains)
for the reason that it is at once loftier and
more open. The plain itself is a vast ex-
panse of flat barley- and wheat-fields. Here
and there are large bodies of shallow stand-
ing water which tend to turn the ground into

60 Pedro Pizarro

a deep and very sticky mire. The gently
sloping and rounded hills which rise now and
again above the general level are cultivated
or otherwise utilized by man to their sum-
mits. No steep mountains with unstable
talus slopes impinge upon the plain and neces-
sitate a careful system of terracing. It is
an admirable place for battles, and has been
a battle-ground for centuries. Being like-
wise a valley of great charm and beauty, it
has been a favourite residence of Inca chiefs.
Of Cuzco, a plain very like that of Anta, it
seems unnecessary to speak here. The inner
significance of Pedro Pizarro’s remarks about
these places is this. In early Inca times these
valleys were the seats of comparatively un-
pretentious tribal communities. Beginning
modestly, the Incas conquered them one by
one until the beginning of the reign of Rocca
II. Individually each of these conquests
was small from a point of view of territorial
growth. It was then, and ever remained,
the Inca policy to preserve the tribal iden-
tity of the conquered districts, and so each

Introduction 61

of these valleys assumed, under Inca govern-
ance, the character of a province, in which
character Pedro Pizarro reports them to us.

Concerning the territories to the South of
Cuzco Pedro Pizarro is considerably less
definite than he is about those to the North.
With the exception of making note of the
fact that the Pass of Vilcanota, not men-
tioned here by Pedro Pizarro, was and still
is the frontier between the Quechua-speaking
and the Colla-speaking mountaineers, it is
not necessary to add anything by way of
explaining our text.

With considerable fullness he speaks of the
four quarters of the empire, that is, of the
suyus, already referred to above. He tells
us explicitly that Chincha-suyu included “the
lands from Cuzco to Quito, which is almost
four hundred leagues”. Then he says that
toward the Northern Ocean (the Atlantic) is
the province of the Andes. By that name
he wishes to indicate Anti-suyu, the Forest
Region of the East. He makes it extend
from what is now Eastern Ecuador far down

62 Pedro Pizarro

into what is now Argentina, including in his
Anti-suyu a vast range of peoples and tribes
about which we at present know very little.
He then says: “The third part they called
Collasuyu because the Indians of this Collao
call themselves Collas”. In this remark we
have irrefutable proof that the name “Ay-
mara” now generally fixed on these people
is apocryphal, and that the term “Colla”
should be reinstated in ethnological nomen-
clature. The Cunti-suyu (our author’s Con-
desuyo) was the least important of the four.
It lay to the West and South-west of Cuzco,
including the poorer portions of the coast
and, later, Chile.

To summarize Inca geographical knowl-
edge as embodied in the Relation of Pedro
Pizarro it may be said that even when the
Inca empire was at its height the formerly
separate and independent tribal or political
entities which were gradually added to it
throughout the period of its growth did not
lose their individuality, and that same in-

Introduction 63

dividuality was carefully preserved in the
form of provinces.

Having now briefly reviewed the status
of geography in pre-Spanish days in the
Andes, we must pass on to a consideration of
the geographical facts relating to the period
of the Conquest and to that stretch of time
during which Spanish rule was establishing
itself throughout the Andean region.

Pedro Pizarro, Cieza de Leon, Pedro
Sancho, Gutierrez de Santa Clara, Calvete
de Estrella, Garcilaso de la Vega and other
early writers supply us with ample material
for visualizing the Conquest. Interpreted
in geographical terminology it was a series
of military and political movements which
began on the coast, at San Miguel (Tan-
garara). At that point the Spaniards had
the preponderant portion of the Inca domin-
ions to the South of them, but on the North
lay the highland fastnesses of the very im-
portant Quito region. The coast and the
mountains south of San Miguel alike pre-
sented difficulties, the one on account of its

64 Pedro Pizarro

vast deserts, the other on account of the
ease with which its rugged passes and peak-
encircled plains might have been defended.
A less astute man than Francisco Pizarro
might have begun his task by moving down
the coast, conquering valley after valley as
the Incas had done long before. What Pi-
zarro actually did do, however, was much
more availing. He led his forces up the
Piura valley past Pabur or Pabor, and past
Zarran. From the head of the Piura valley
he dropped down to Motupe, which is near
the coast, and from there he gradually worked
inland to Cajamarca. The country through
which he passed on this march is not diffi-
cult, and no formidable opposition was made
to his progress. At Cajamarca he was so
fortunate as to capture Atahualpa and, with
him, the allegiance of most of the natives.
The Spaniards had not as yet left the Pacific
watershed. Hernando Pizarro was sent, how-
ever, to Pachacamac (January to April,
1533). He crossed over the continental di-
vide. Then he marched southwardly, re-

Introduction 65

crossing the divide near Antamarca. After
that Hernando Pizarro moved along the
western slopes of the Maritime Cordillera,
passing up the higher reaches of the Santa
River, which he crossed at Pachicoto on
January 24, 1533. He reached the coast at
Parmunca (now Paramonga) on January 27.
Though Chalcuchima, with some 55,000 men,
seems to have been hovering about, there
seems to have been no great military engage-
ment during all this while, and on February
5, 1533, he and his men arrived safely at
Pachacamac. In March and April, 1533,
Hernando Pizarro was journeying to rejoin
the main body of Spaniards under his brother.
The route which he followed led him up the
coast to Huara or Huaura not far south of
Parmunca, and thence he marched inland
to Xauxa. There he had some diplomatic
skirmishes with Chalcuchima. From there
he marched northwards, rejoining Francisco
Pizarro April 25, 1533.

Meanwhile, Sebastian de Benalcazar, who
had been left in command at San Miguel,

66 Pedro Pizarro

had undertaken (without authorization) the
conquest of the regions to the North. He
marched up the Tumbez River and then
through the inter-cordilleran highlands of
what is now Ecuador, eventually mastering
the whole of that part of the Andes, and
founding a Spanish settlement at Quito in
January (?), 1534.

In September, 1533, the united forces of
Francisco and Hernando Pizarro began to
march southwards from Cajamarca in the
direction of Cuzco. In February a small
scouting party had already been sent thither
to report on the nature of the country and
any hostile activities on the part of its people.
On November 15, 1533, after a march which
was distinguished by a number of military
events, the army of Francisco Pizarro made
its entry into Cuzco. Chalcuchima had
fought with creditable gallantry, consider-
able unscrupulousness and complete non-
success. He was put to death at Xaquixa-
guana, not far north of Cuzco.

With the entry into the city of Cuzco, the

Introduction 67

Spanish conquest of Ttahua-ntin-suyu was
completed, to all intents and purposes, for
the events which followed were not so much
conquest as they were repression. The geo-
graphical aspects of the Conquest may be
summarized by saying that the main line of
march lay along the inter-cordilleran valley,
both in the Kingdom of Quito and in Peru
proper. The significance of this fact is that,

had Francisco Pizarro made his route lie

along the shore, he would have thrown his
flank open to disastrous peril from the forces
of Chalcuchima who was at large with a
numerous army in the mountains. As it
was, Pizarro kept in good marching country
with plenty of water supply which could not
be interfered with (as that of the coast could
have been by breaking down the irrigation
ditches). The side-trip made by Hernando
Pizarro performed the function of consolidat-
ing an important portion of the coast.

After the Conquest proper was thus fin-
ished, Pizarro caused various explorations and
minor conquests to be made in a number of

68 Pedro Pizarro

directions, and by means of these, especially
by means of Almagro’s journey in Chile in
1535-1537, the whole country was examined,
learned about and brought under Spanish
governance.

Among the more important exploring ex-
peditions was that of Francisco de Orellana
who, having gone to Quito with Gonzalo
Pizarro in 1542, deserted his leader most
shamefully and discovered the great river
Amazon or Maraiion. The faithless man
was brave and resourceful, however, and he
navigated down the huge river to its mouth.
His tales of what he had seen, and still more
of what he said he had seen, won for him a
royal commission in 1544, and he set forth
with a fleet to explore still further. But a
due fate overtook him at the last.

At about the same date (about 1542),
Alonso de Alvarado and others entered and
pacified the great regions of Chachapoyas
and Moyobamba. In like manner, the Mar-
quis Don Francisco Pizarro himself made a
number of explorations throughout the coun-

Introduction 69

try, and the lieutenants of Almagro, espe-
cially Rodrigo Orgonez and Juan Saavedra,
did much to open up the Charcas and the
regions of Jujuy and Tucuman to Spanish
settlement.

Thus, little by little, the Castilians learned
about and conquered the vast South Ameri-
can continent. Many regions remained, and
some still remain, unvisited by white men.
All sorts of dangers, such as fiercely hostile
Indians and soaring altitudes, were met and
overcome by an undaunted courage so gal-
lant as almost to palliate their many offenses
against justice and their sometimes hideous
cruelties. Theirs was a situation of peculiar
peril; small numbers of Spaniards were win-
ning a variegated empire of unknown ex-
tent, and they could conceive of no other
sort of rule than that based upon might.
Although we more enlightened folk of today
deplore their methods we can not but admire
their accomplishments. And many of them,
their work done, met a reward fitted to their
merits. Jeronimo Roman y Zamora says:

70 Pedro Pizarro

“Thou shall give them the punishment
which they deserve.” He then goes on to
discover in the deaths of Atahualpa, Fran-
cisco Pizarro, Juan Pizarro and Gonzalo
Pizarro the manifestation of the will of God.
Who knows but what the good old friar was
a wiser philosopher than more sophisticated
men have been?

Some interesting information as to the
progress of geographical knowledge in the
Andes after the Conquest may be got from
an examination of old maps. This is not
the place for a detailed and exhaustive car-
tographical essay, however, so only a few of
the more important points will be touched
upon.

At the outset it is well to note the political
aspects of the science of cartography as re-
gards the colonies of Spain in America. The
Casa de Contratacion had, among many
other officers, a pilot major and a cosmog-
rapher. These offices were filled by widely
proclaimed competitive examinations. A
standard map, the padron real, was made by

Introduction 71

the officials mentioned, and once a year it
was brought up to date in accordance with
the latest information received from navi-
gators and others. Many distinguished men,
such as S. Cabotto, A. de Santa Cruz and
Diego de Ribero, contributed to the padron.
Nevertheless, many authors of maps failed
to make them conform to the padron. In
1535 a new one was made, and sailing-charts,
general maps and globes were issued by pri-
vate persons on the condition that they be
corrected in accordance with the padron.

Maps and map-making, then, had a defi-
nitely recognized place in the governmental
system erected in America by Spain. It is to
be supposed that many of the maps which
we now have were compared with the padron,
which was kept at Seville.

The West Coast of South America appears
on a map made by the Vesconde de Maggiolo
about 1527. The original of the map is in
the Biblioteca Ambrosiana at Milan. The
Andean region is called “Terra Incognita”.
The shore is not accurately portrayed.

72 Pedro Pizarro

In 1529 Diego Ribero made his map of the
world at Seville. The original is now in
the Museum of the Propaganda at Rome.
South America is called “MVNDVS NOVVS”.
The outline is very good, although the West
Coast is incomplete. The name “Perv” ap-
pears.

Information did not greatly increase until
1533. In that year Johann Schoner issued
a globe on which the West Coast is outlined
with fair accuracy. Knowledge was still
chaotic, however, as is evidenced by the in-
scription: “America, Indiae superioris et
Asiae continentis pars”.

The year 1535 may be looked upon as the
earliest which gives us true cartographical
information about Peru and its neighbour-
ing regions. In that year, or possibly as
early as 1533 (though I very much doubt it),
a Spanish map was made which is now known
as the Wolfenbiittel-Spanish map. Up to
1914 it was in the Herzogliche Bibliothek at
Wolfenbiittel in Germany. According to Dr.
E. L. Stevenson this map is dated 1525-1530,

Introduction 73

which is obviously a number of years too
early, for on the map we find among other
details “Salinas de lacibdad de tumbez”
[sic], “R. deS. migel” [sic], and “p. y prouincia
delacibdad de rhinrhax” [sic]. This last item,
which is an attempt at “puerto y provincia
de la ciudad de Rimac”, suggests that 1535
is the earliest possible date, for Lima or
Rimac did not come into being until that
year.

In the same year, 1535, Johann Schoner
made what is now known as the Paris Wooden
Globe on which “S. michaelis” (San Miguel)
appears between seven and ten degrees south.
The outline of both the maps just referred
to is fair.

About 1536 Battista or Baptista Agnese
made a map of North and South America.
The original is now in the Biblioteca Ambros-
iana at Milan. It is a map which must have
been effected by Pizarro’s discoveries and
deeds, although Harrisse says that Pizarro’s
second trip can not have had anything to
do with it. However, the nomenclature, in-

74 Pedro Pizarro

eluding “p. de S. tago” (Guayaquil) and “rio
d. S. miquell”, indicates that the results of
his third and final trip (1531) were incor-
porated. The outline of South America is
fairly correct, but the West Coast stops
half way between the Equator and the Tropic
of Capricorn. The legend “La provintia de
Perv” appears.

The Atlas of Charles V (1539) likewise has
“Perv provintia”. Beginning with the map
of the world made by Alonzo de Santa Cruz,
the royal cosmographer, in 1542, we begin to
get more detail. On this map we discover
“y. delgallo”, “R. de S. tiago”, “R. de
tumbes”, “S. miguel”, “puerto de paita”,
“palmoga” (Paramonga), “pachacara” (Pach-
acamac), and “chincha”. All are more or less
accurately located. The outline is fairly
correct.

Sebastiano Cabotto’s map of America, made
in 1544 and now in the Bibliotheque Nationale
at Paris, shows the West Coast with notably
good outline. Inland we find written “Tito
prouincia” and “Peru prouincia”. On the

Introduction 75

coast are “rio de Tumbez”, “S. migel”,
“payta”, “La cyudad delosreyes”, and “rio
de ariquipa”. Inland is “Ecusco”.

From 1544 onward to 1554 there are a
number of maps all having fairly good outlines
and a considerable number of place-names.
These last are usually located about correctly,
but the mis-spellings are innumerable and
amusing. One point must be noted. On the
map of “Le Perov” given by Pierre Descliers
in his Atlas printed at Arques (the original
being in the British Museum) in 1550 “pacha-
cama” is located correctly just south of
“Lima les c. des Roys”, but it appears again
about where Cuzco should be, and S.W. of it,
where Arequipa should be, is seen the towered
city of “Caxamalco”. This mistake was pre-
served in future maps, doubtless as a result
of the conservative influence of the padron.

The Amazon appears, but is not named,
upon Gastaldi’s map of the world published
at Venice in 1554, the original being in the
Biblioteca municipal at Turin. This map

76 Pedro Pizarro

has much detail which lack of space forbids
me to specify here.

Diogo [sic] Homen published at Antwerp
in 1559 a very good map of “Peru”, with
much detail and many place-names correctly
located. Lake Titicaca, not named, however,
is correctly placed. The outline is good. On
the coast we find “guaiaquil” (on south bank
of the river), “R. chira”, with “S. migel” on
its south bank; “paita”, “pacasmaio”, “tra-
gillo” [sic], “Lima ciudad de los Reis”,
“pachacama” and “Arequipa” are all admira-
bly located. It is a good map.

With the map of the world, in hemispheres,
by Joan Martines, Messina, 1562, we come
to the beginning of a very strange carto-
graphical error which, in a certain group of
maps, perpetuated itself for a long time.
This map is fairly correct in outline save for
the fact that the West Coast has, at the
Tropic of Capricorn, an extraordinary west-
jutting peninsula of great size.

This error was reiterated and made worse
by Gerardus Mercator in his map of the

Introduction 77

world, published at Duisburg in 1569. He
has not only the Capricorn peninsula of Mar-
tines, but another much like it to the North.
Abraham Ortelius in his Atlas, published at
Antwerp, 1570, has just the same error, and
it continues to present itself in the Mercator-
Ortelius group of maps up to 1587 when
Ortelius corrected himself. He was respon-
sible for another serious error, namely the call-
ing into being of a river which has the general
form of the Piura river, but which rises at
twelve and one half degrees south, at which
point we see “Caxamalca”, and flows north
to five degrees south where we see “S. Miguel’*.
This error lasted on in the Mercator-Ortelius
group up to 1589.

The map of Paulo di Forlani da Verona,
published probably at Venice about 1570
and reproduced by A. Lafrery about 1575, is
well known. Copies of it are to be found in
the Library of Congress and elsewhere. It
is called “LA. DESCRITTIONE. DI.
TVTTO. IL. PERV”. On the whole it is a
good map. The outline has no trace of the

78 Pedro Pizarro

influence of the Mercator-Ortelius group.
Some of the place-names are badly located,
the tendency being to put them too far south.
“Lago Titicacha” is in the middle of the
continent, at twenty-four to twenty-nine
degrees south. “Lago Tichicasa” is the name
given to Lake Aullagas; it is east of southern
end of the big lake.

Cartography continued to make gradual
progress throughout the remainder of the six-
teenth century. In 1605 we may say that
modern cartography really begins, for the
world map by Willem Janszoon Blaeu made
in that year in Holland (Amsterdam) differs
only slightly from modern maps.

As a general thing we may say in summing
up that geographical features near the shore
of the continent became embodied in the
maps earlier than those inland. Thus it is
that such elements as Lake Titicaca were
comparatively late in being so reported. 34

Introduction 79

The Life of Pedro Pizarro

Our author was born in Toledo about 1515.
He was of good family, according to his own
report, at least. His father was a brother of
Gonzalo Pizarro the elder, and, consequently,
Pedro was a first cousin of the Marquis
Francisco Pizarro, and of the Hernando,
Gonzalo and Juan Pizarros of the conquest.

When, in 1530, Marquis Francisco Pizarro
went back to ‘America after his prolonged
sojourn at Court, young Pedro went with him
as a page. He was intimately associated with
all the chief events of the Conquest of Peru.
From about the year 1533 onward, or about
the time Cuzco, the ancient Inca capital, was
reduced to Spanish rule, Pedro Pizarro was in
active military service as a cavalryman. If
we may accept his own report, written always
in the third person, and by no means unduly
boastful, he was a valiant soldier who took
part in some of the most exciting and impor-
tant military engagements of the day, most of
them directly concerned with the war be-

80 Pedro Pizarro

tween Manco Inca and the Spaniards (1535-
1536). Soon after this the city of Jauja
claimed him as a citizen. Very soon after-
ward, however, he moved his residence to
Cuzco. So young and energetic a man was
not, however, induced to lead a sedentary life
in such stirring days, and we find Pedro
Pizarro one of the participants in the battle of
las Salinas (26 April, 1538). But when, on
August 15, 1539 or 1540, Arequipa was
founded, he established himself there. In
1541 he was in Lima at the time of the Alma-
grist outbreak, and after the battle of Chupas
(16 September, 1542) at which he was present,
in the camp of C. Vaca de Castro, he was
approached by his cousin, Gonzalo Pizarro,
with all manner of tempting and flattering
inducements to join the rebellion against the
Crown which the latter was planning. He
never did so, however, and he earned the
enmity of Gonzalo Pizarro for his resistance.
His loyalty to the Crown was, however,
sullied by a rather cringing letter which he
wrote to his cousin on 18 December, 1546,

Introduction 81

and which fell into the hands of President de
la Gasca. The letter, perhaps, is not much
more than an evidence of vacillation, probably
prompted by quite material considerations,
for our author is never backward about claim-
ing what he thinks to be his due. It was
seized upon by de la Gasca, however, as an
excuse for denying to Pedro Pizarro the re-
wards he claimed after the battle of Xaquixa-
guana (9 April, 1548).

Pedro Pizarro, for all he was never quite
contented with his lot, might fairly have
counted himself a rich and a well-rewarded
man. On 28 November, 1538, Marquis Fran-
cisco Pizarro, his cousin, granted to him
ample lands, together with curacas and Indian
labourers, at Tacana (now Tacna), at Are-
quipa and elsewhere. Further grants, con-
siderable in value, were made to him from
time to time by various authorities.

In addition to having a natural daughter,
Isabel Pizarro, born while he was very young,
Pedro Pizarro had numerous legitimate chil-
dren. His first wife was Maria Cornejo,

82 Pedro Pizarro

daughter of Miguel Cornejo, and a native of
Arequipa, of which city her father was a
founder. Their son, Martin Pizarro y Cor-
nejo, was twice married, and his son, Francisco
Pizarro y Casillas, founded an important
family at Tacna which has lasted into our
own day. Isabel Pizarro married a merchant
of Potosi, named Miguel de Entrambasaguas;
their descendants may still be found in the
old mining metropolis of Upper Peru. Noth-
ing is known about the second wife of Pedro
Pizarro.

Neither do we know the date of our
author’s death, save that it was posterior to
February 7, 1571, the day on which, at
Arequipa, he concluded his Relation. He
may have lived till 1602.

Though the literary style of Pedro Pizarro
is anything but a model of clarity and pre-
cision, he wrote with a transparent sincerity
and an evident desire to tell the truth. This
quality, taken in conjunction with his unsur-
passed opportunities for observation, makes

Introduction 83

him one of the chief sources for data about
the Conquest of Peru by the Spaniards.

NOTE. This brief biography is based upon that
of Carlos A. Romero. In Sr. Romero’s biography
will be found the letter to Gonzalo Pizarro here
referred to. Sr. Romero states that, in 1602, the
Viceroy Luis de Velasco, Marquis of las Salinas,
made a grant to Pedro Pizarro. This, however,
may have been a son of our author.

See:

PIZARRO, Pedro:

1917. Descubrimiento y Conquista del Peru.
Introduction and Notes by Carlos A. Romero.
Lima.

The Bibliographical Position of Pedro Pizarro
In estimating the importance of our author
we must not fail to take into consideration his
chronological and bibliographical relations to
other authors. In dealing with the history of
a land which was the seat of a remarkable
native civilization, but which never had a
written history until it was invaded by an
alien people and veneered with an alien civi-
lization, we must of necessity value most those
written authorities which are at once earliest
and most closely associated by personal con-

84 Pedro Pizarro

tact with the aboriginal civilization as it was
in its unmolested state.

For the modern investigator of Andean his-
tory, then, it is well to divide up the various
early writers into chronological groups or
“schools”. The first group will be that in-
cluded between the perhaps arbitrarily selected
dates 1530 and 1550. The second group lived
and worked between 1550 and 1600. Finally,
the third group of old writers came between
1600 and 1650. After that there is a hiatus
of eighty years until, in 1732, Pedro de
Peralta Barnuevo ushered in the modern
period with his epic and well-documented his-
toric poem “Lima fundada”. This was fol-
lowed in due course by the writings of Jorge
Juan y Santacilia and Antonio de Ulloa (about
1748) and Tadeo Haenke (in the 1790’s).
Then the brilliant “Amantes del Pais” with
their “Mercurio Peruano” began the more
recent series of works dealing with the Andean
countries and their history.

Pedro Pizarro ranks high in the first of these
groups. He is an author of prime importance

Introduction 85

for the history of the people of the Andes and
of the events in connection with their conquest
by Spain. It is true that others of the old
writers are fully as important as Pedro Pizarro,
and it is likewise true that they are not all in
the first group. But in all cases of this sort it
can be shown that the writer in question has
received direct information from times con-
temporary with the Conquest, in which our

author took an active part.

The leading men of the first group were as
follows :

SAAMANOS, Juan de: Relacion de los pri-
meros descubrimientos de Francisco Pizarro y
Diego de Almagro, sacada del codice numero
CXX de la Biblioteca Imperial de Viena.
This report was written by the secretary of
Carlos V, in 1526. It contains the first account
of the discoveries along the northwestern coast
of South America as far as the present Ecua-
dorian territory. It was first published by
Navarette in Vol. V, of the Col. de Doc. Ined.
para la Hist, de Espafia, Madrid, 1844. Re-

86 Pedro Pizarro

printed by Saville, in Antiq. of Manabi, Vol.
II, New York, 1910.

AGUSTINOS, Relacion de la Religion y Ritos
del Peru, Hecha por los Primeros Religiosos
Agustinos que alii Pasaron Para la Conversion
de los Naturales. This work was compiled about
1550. It contains much material not given else-
where. It was in Vol. LXXXVII of the Munoz
collection. It may be found in the Coleccion de
documentos ineditos del archive de Indias, in,
pages 5-58. Madrid, 1865.

ANDAGOYA, Pascual de: Born about 1495.
In 1514 he went to America. In 1522 he
made a voyage down the Pacific coast to some
point in what is now Colombian territory.
He then received the first really definite in-
formation about the Inca empire. He later
became associated with F. Pizarro. Still later
he was Adelantado at Popayan. He quar-
relled with Benalcazar and returned to Spain.
In 1546, however, he went back to Peru with
Gasca, and he died in Cuzco in 1548. His
work of historic importance is:

1540. Relacion de los sucesos de Pedrarias
Davila en las provincias de tierra firme o Castilla
del oro, y de lo ocurrido en el descubrimiento de
la mar del sur y costas del Peru y Nicaragua.

Introduction 87

Ms. in archives at Seville.

For modern editions, see Bibliography.

BENZONI, Girolamo: Born about 1520. He
travelled in Spain’s American possessions for
some years between 1540 and 1556. The
date of his death ‘is not known. His work is
superficial and full of gossip, but he gives
much information which corroborates las
Casas and other writers. He was an Italian.
The illustrations in his work are, in some
cases, of value as showing technological
methods.

1565. La Historia del Mondo Nuovo. Venice.

BETANZOS, Juan (or Jose) de: Born about
1500. He was a soldier who took part hi the
Conquest of Peru, marrying a daughter of the
Inca Atahualpa about that period. About
1551 he finished his work on the Incas. Even-
tually he settled down at Cuzco. Probably
his death occurred after 1560. The Viceroy
Don Antonio de Mendoza was his patron.
At the Viceroy’s instance Betanzos wrote:

1551 (about). Suma y Narracion de los Incas.

Ms. is at Madrid. This work was first men-

88 Pedro Pizarro

tioned, in 1729, by Gregorio Garcia in his Origen
de los Indies de el Nuevo Mundo, published at
Madrid.

For modern edition, see Bibliography.
BoRDONE,Benedetto: Flourished 1528-1535.
Nothing is known about him, save that he was
something of a geographer. Winsor states that
he died in 1531.

1528. Libro di Benedetto Bordone nel qual si
ragiona di tutte 1’Isole del Mondo con li lor nomi
antichi & moderni. . . Venice.

1534. Isolario di Benedetto Bordone nel qual
si ragiona di tutte 1’Isole del Mondo con li lor
nomi antichi & moderni. . . Venice.

NOTE. In this edition appears for the first time
the letter of a Prefect of New Spain to Charles V
in which many anecdotes of the Conquest are
related.
Consult :
WINSOR, Justin:

1889. A Narrative and Critical History of
America. Boston. 8 volumes, vni, page 382.
BANCROFT, Hubert Howe:

1882-1883. History of Central America. San
Francisco. 2 volumes. I, page 144.
CALVETE DE ESTRELLA, Juan Cristobal de:
Born about 1520. In 1542 he was in close at-

Introduction 89

tendance upon Prince Philip, later Philip II of
Spain. He undoubtedly had at his disposal
first-hand information about events in Peru
during the period of the Conquest. He died
about 1565, or some time after that date.

1565-1567. Rebelion de Pizarro en el Peru.

Ms. in the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid.

For modern edition, see Bibliography.

CASAS, Bartolome de las: Born in 1474.
His father, Pedro or Francisco de las Casas,
knew Columbus well and went to America
with him in 1496. Bartolome de las Casas
himself went to Hispaniola in 1502. He
travelled extensively in America during the
ensuing years. For us it is important to note
that he is said to have visited Peru in 1532,
on the business of the Church. Indubitably
he made enquiries into the history of the
indigenes of the Peruvian region. In 1544
he was made Bishop of Chiapa, deliberately
choosing a poor and laborious diocese. His
personal character was of the saintliest de-
scription even though his zeal in freeing the
American natives from bondage led him to

90 Pedro Pizarro

favour the importation of Negroes as slaves,
a practice of ancient date in the American
colonies. Las Casas died in Spain in 1566.
His works were many, those of importance
to us being:

1540 (?). De las Antiguas Gentes del Peru.

This work was begun at about the date indicated.
It probably originally formed a part of one of his
numerous books.

For modern edition, see Bibliography.

1552. Brevissima Relacion de la Destruycion
de las Indias. Seville.

For modern edition, see Bibliography.

NOTE. As an historian of the pre-Spanish
period of Peru, las Casas holds a high position, for
the reason that he got his information almost
wholly at first hand. Antedating Bias Valera as
he does, it is important to note that he distinctly
mentions pre-Inca dynasties and civilizations.

Consult:

MACNUTT, Francis A. :

1909. Bartholomew de las Casas. New York.

CIEZA DE LEON, Pedro de: Born in 1519.
He travelled in western South America 1534-
1550. He was an eminently honourable,
truthful and observing man. Any statement

Introduction 91

made by him commands special consideration.
He wrote most of his great works in America.
He conducted careful enquiries into the history
of Peru while at Cuzco and elsewhere. He
died at Seville in 1560. Old editions of his

works are:

1553. Parte Primera de la Chronica del Peru.
Seville.

1554. Parte Primera de la Chronica del Peru.
Antwerp.

NOTE. Thjs remainder of Cieza’s work re-
mained inedited until recent times when Marcos
Jimenez de la Espada, Sir Clements R. Markham,
and Manuel Gonzalez de la Rosa have brought out
important parts of it. Some parts, however, are
yet undiscovered. See Bibliography.

ENRIQUEZ DE GUZMAN, Alonzo : Born about
1500. He was a courtly and very amusing
young adventurer with the bluest blood in
Spain in his veins, an immense fund of con-
ceitedness, and no money save what court
favour procured for him. He was in Peru
from 1535 to the time of the death of Almagro
the elder in 1538. He had an important
part in the events of that period. With the
exception of our author and possibly of Pedro

92 Pedro Pizarro

Sancho, he was the only writer actually to see
the occurrences of that day. He is mentioned
by our author, and also by Garcilasso de la
Vega (in his Segunda Parte, lib ii, Cap. 24).
He was present at the interview between
Pizarro and Almagro at Mala (13 November,
1537). He was a partisan of Almagro. His
death took place about 1547. His frivolous
and self-centred, but nevertheless charming,
character prevented his work from being as
full and valuable as he might have made it.
There is no old edition of it.

For modern edition of The Life and Acts of
Alonzo Enriquez de Guzman, see Bibliography.

Consult :

PIZARRO Y ORELLANA, Fernando de:
1639. Varones Ilvstres del Nvevo Mvndo.
Madrid. Pages 178 and 325.

GASCA, Pedro de la: Born about 1520.
He was of very noble families on both sides.
According to modern usage his name would
be Pedro Jimenez de Avila y de la Gasca,
but for some reason he preferred to use only
his mother’s patronymic. The Emperor

Introduction 93

Charles V sent him in 1546 to Peru, with the
simple title of President of the Audience, but
charged with powers and authority equal to
those which the Emperor himself would have
held. He wrote many letters to the Emperor
to describe the course of events in Peru. He
returned to Spain in 1550. He died about
1557.

1547-1549. Letters and Reports, written to
various authorities, both in Spain and in America.
For modefn editions of these letters, see Bibli-
ography.
Consult:

SAVILLE, Marshall H. :

1917. Some Unpublished Letters of Pedro de
la Gasca Relating to the Conquest of Peru.
AASP, xxvii, pages 336-357.

GUTIERREZ DE SANTA CLARA, Pedro: Born
about 1520, probably in the viceroyalty of
Mexico. It is not impossible that his father
was Bernaldino or Bernardino de Santa Clara.
One Cristobal Gutierrez de Santa Clara was
an uncle of his. Both of these men were in
the army which conquered Mexico for Spain.
Perhaps the mother of Pedro Gutierrez was a

94 Pedro Pizarro

Mexican. He received a fair education. In
1544 he was in Peru where he took part in
the Civil Wars (1544-1548) on the side of
President Gasca. It is not known at what
date he wrote his history, nor is the date of
his return to Mexico known, save that it was
prior to 1590. He was still alive in 1603.
There is a singular lack of information about
him, considering his importance.

1565 (?). Quinquenarios. This work is now

known under the name Historia de las Guerras

Civiles del Peru. The Ms. is in the Biblioteca

Provincial de Toledo (Spain).

For modern edition, see Bibliography. The

remarks made here are based upon the Prologo by

Manuel Serrano y Sanz.

MOLINA, Cristoval de: Born about 1515,
He was in Lima in 1539, and for many years
after that he was chaplain in the hospital for
natives at Cuzco. He was on terms of cor-
dial friendship with all classes of the natives,
and he knew their language, Quechua. He
died about 1590. He is not to be confused
with the Molina who lived in Chile at this
time and wrote about the Indians.

Introduction 95

1570-1584. Molina writing during this period.
His work remained in Ms. (in Biblioteca Nacional,
Madrid) until recent times.

For modern edition, see Bibliography.

ONDEGARDO, Polo de: Born about 1500.
Very little is known about his life. He was
with the army of Gasca in the war against
Gonzalo Pizarro (ca. 1547-1550), and at a later
date (ca. 1560) he was Corregidor of Cuzco.
He was a lawyer attached to the train of
Viceroy Toledo* Unlike his superior he seems
not to have lacked sympathetic interest in
the natives. His knowledge of their lan-
guage, however, was slight, and it is likely
that his statements are often doubtful as to
accuracy, particularly those relating to human
sacrifices which he declares to have been fre-
quent. He died at Potosi about 1580.

There are no old editions of Polo de Ondegardo’s
work. For modern ones, see Bibliography. His
two Reladones were written in 1561 and 1570, both
being based on material collected considerably
before that. Dorsey (1892, page 168) states that
the Mss. of these are in the Escurial. Markham
(1910, page 7) says that there is a Report by the
subject in the Biblioteca Nacional at Madrid.

96 Pedro Pizarro

OVIEDO Y VALDES, Gonzalo Fernandez de:
Born about 1478. He was at Panama at the
time when Pizarro and Almagro were fitting
out their first expedition southwards. Sub-
sequently he became Chronicler of the Indies.
Bartolome de las Casas was a powerful enemy
of his, and it is possible that his influence
caused the suppression of the second part of
Oviedo’s great history, which exists only in a
modern edition. He travelled somewhat in
America, and, while in Spain, he had access
to all sorts of information of an official char-
acter. He died in 1557. Old editions of his
works are:

1526. Oviedo de la Natural Hysteria de las
Indias. Toledo.

1535. La Historia General de las Indias.
Seville.
Consult:

LOPEZ, DE GOMARA, Francisco:
1912. The Annals of the Emperor Charles V.
Ed. by Roger Bigelow Merriman. Oxford. Pages
101 and 139-140.

NOTE. The evidence of Lopez de Gomara shows
that the second part of Oviedo’s work would have
come out about 1549 had it not been for las Casas’
interference.

Introduction 97

PIZARRO, Marquis Francisco: See BOR-
DONB, Benedetto.

PIZARRO, Hernando: Born about 1505.
He was the only legitimate brother of the
Marquis Francisco Pizarro, Conqueror of
Peru. He went to Peru in 1531. In 1533
he made an important excursion to Pachaca-
mac upon which he reported in a letter,
dated November of that year. He took an
important part in the Conquest. On his
return to Spain in 1539 he was imprisoned,
and he remained so for twenty years. It is
to be hoped that his cruelties were part-cause
of his condemnation. In 1560 he married his
niece, Francisca Pizarro Inca, natural daugh-
ter of Francisco Pizarro by his Inca mistress,
daughter to the Inca Atahualpa. The date
of his death is not known, exactly.

1533. Carta de Hernando Pizarro. In Oviedo
y Valdes, Tercera Parte. (This is in Ms. only.)
For modern editions, see Bibliography.

PIZARRO, Pedro: Born in 1515. Came to
Peru as page to his cousin, Marquis Francisco

98 Pedro Pizarro

Pizarro, in 1531. Died, probably in Are-
quipa, sometime after 1571 and possibly as
late as 1602. See Life, pages 79-83 of this
volume.

The Relacion of Pedro Pizarro, completed in
1571, is based upon his personal observations from
1531 to 1555. Only modern editions of it are
known. (See Bibliography.)

In the catalog, Bibliotheca Phillipica, of the sale
of a portion of the library of Sir Thomas Phillips,
sold by Sotherby, Wilkinson and Hodge, in Lon-
don, June, 1919, item No. 389, is a manuscript
entitled, “Pizarro, Relacion del Descubrimiento y
Conquista de los Reynos del Peru, escrita por
Pedro Pizarro, uno de los Conquistadores y Pobla-
dores de aquellos Reynos, afio de 1571, half calf;
292 pp. folio.”

In the same catalog, item lot 264, a volume con-
taining papers relating to “Las Indias” in the 16th
and 17th centuries, is the following: “(9) Relacion
Verdadera de la Tierra que Descubrimos con el
Gobernador Franco Pizarro deste Reyno del Peru
desde que llegamos a Panama, original, signed by
Diego Truxillo, 1571.”

SANCHO, Pedro: Born about 1510. Noth-
ing is now known about his life save that he
was a gentleman and that he witnessed the

Introduction 99

events of the Conquest from 1531 to July 15,
1534. He returned to Spain, having served
as scrivener to Pizarro’s army, in 1536.
There he married a lady of high position.

1534. Relacion de la Conquista del Peru. (Not
published.)

For modern editions, see Bibliography.
Consult the Biography by Carlos A. Romero,
in that student’s edition of the Relacion. (Lima,
1917.)

ZARATE, Agustin de: Born about 1520.
He went to Peru with Blasco Nunez Vela in
1543. He did not know the native languages,
and his work is not of the first importance,
although it contains some valuable descrip-
tions of roads, sites and customs. He left
Peru before 1554.

1555. Historia del Descubrimiento y Conquista
del Peru. Antwerp.

For modern editions, see Bibliography.

XERES, Francisco de: Born about 1505.
He went to Peru with Pizarro in 1531. He
was with Hernando Pizarro during the latter’s
trip to Pachacamac in 1533, and he describes
it. He returned to Spain in 1534.

100 Pedro Pizarro

1534. Verdadera Relacion de la Conquista del
Peru. Seville.

1535. Libro Prime de la Conquista del Peru.
Milan.

1547. Verdadera Relacion de la Conquista del
Peru. Salamanca.

For modern editions, see Bibliography.

Ofjthe second^ chronological group, com-
posed of men whose information was got
between the years 1550 and 1600, the follow-
ing are the most important.

ACOSTA, Joseph (or Jose) de: Born at Medina
del Campo, Spain, about 1540. At the age
of thirteen he became a novice in the Society
of Jesus. In 1571 he went to Peru where,
like a number of writers of this group, he was
closely associated with the Viceroy Francisco
de Toledo. He remained in Peru for fifteen
years, and he made a journey in Mexico and
in the West Indies. His erudition was great,
but he seems to have been deficient in the
native languages. He used much manuscript
material and, after his return to Spain, had
the advantage of royal favour. He died in
Spain about 1600.

Introduction 101

1588-1589. De Natura Novi Orbis Libri Duo,
et de Promulgatione Evangelii Apud Barbaros. . .
Salamanca.

1590. Historia Nat\ral y Moral de las In-
dias. . . Seville.

NOTE. This last-mentioned work is especially
useful for a study of the religion of aboriginal Peru.

For modern editions, see Bibliography.

FERNANDEZ DE PALENCIA, Diego: Born at
Palencia, Spain, about 1530. He is often
called “el Palentino”. He was in the army
which successfully opposed the rebellion of
Hernandez Giron in 1554, and he was ap-
pointed historian to Andres Hurtado de Men-
doza, Marquis of Cafiete, Viceroy of Peru
from 1556 to 1561. This was a time of much
interest in Indian affairs on account of the
efforts made by Hurtado de Mendoza to
reduce Sayri Tupac, son of Manco Inca, to
obedience.

1571. Primera y Segunda Parte de la Historia
del Peru. Seville.

For modern edition, see Bibliography.

GARCILASO DE LA VEGA, el Ynca: Born at
Cuzco in 1539 or 1540. His parents were

102 Pedro Pizarro

Princess Isabel Yupanqui, niece of Huayna
Capac, and Don Garcia Lasso de la Vega de
Vargas y Sotomayor Suarez de Figueroa.
The young mestizo took as his name the first
part of his father’s, modifying it somewhat.
On both sides his ancestry was exceedingly
aristocratic. All during his childhood his
mother’s relatives came to visit her, and from
them he absorbed much information about
the past history of Peru. In 1560 he went
to Spain, having received an excellent edu-
cation at Cuzco. After a short military career,
he took up a literary one and, making his
home in Cordoba, he began his great Com-
mentaries about 1590. He died in humble
circumstances about 1617. He is a prime
authority on ancient Peru, having received
many sorts of information over a long stretch
of years.

1609. Primera Parte de los Commentaries
Reales. . . Lisbon,.

1617. Historia del Peru (Segunda parte).
Cordoba.

For modern editions, see Bibliography.

Introduction 103

HERRERA Y TORDESILLAS, Antonio de:
Born in 1549. Philip II made him historian
of the Indies. He did not travel in America,
and he depended for his information upon
sources available in Spain. He can not be
said to be of the first importance so far as
the history of the Andes is concerned. He
died in 1625.

1601-1615. Historia General de los Hechos de
los Castellanos en las Islas I Tierra Firme del
Mar Oceant). Madrid. 5 volumes.

For modern editions, see Bibliography.

MATIENZO, Juan de: Nothing is known
about this man save that he was a learned
judge who was associated with Viceroy Toledo
(1569-1581). He was a just man, and in his
recommendations concerning governmental
matters he faithfully bore in mind the good
points of the native institutions. He is a
prime authority for the earlier phases of
colonial government.

1581 ( ?) . Gobierno del Peru. Ms. in the British
Museum.

For modern edition, see Bibliography.

104 Pedro Pizarro

ROMAN Y ZAMORA, Jeronimo : Born in Spain
about 1539. He was an Augustinian monk.
He never came to America so far as we know.
Nevertheless, because he was well read and
intelligent, he preserved many interesting
points regarding the aboriginal peoples. But
he can not be said to be an historian of the
first importance. He died at Medina del
Campo in 1597.

1575. Republicas del Mundo. Medina del
Campo. 2 volumes.

1595. Republicas del Mundo. Salamanca. 3
volumes.

NOTE. The earlier of these two editions is very
rare. It was mutilated and censored by the Holy
Inquisition. The second edition was corrected and
expurgated by the Holy Inquisition. Probably
the first is the better.

For modern edition, see Bibliography.

SANTILLAN, Fernando de: Born about 1520.
In 1550 he became a Judge of the Royal
Audience at Lima. He was a priest. Like
Matienzo, he had a lively interest in Inca
government, and he protested against Span-
ish governmental methods as much as he

Introduction 105

dared. He throws much light upon the matter
of tribute.

1555 (?). Relacion . . . del Gobierno de los
Incas. Ms. in the Escorial.

For modern edition, see Bibliography.

SARMIENTO DE GAMBOA, Pedro: Born about
1530. He was a navigator and a cosmographer
of note. In 1567 he made an important trip
to the South Sea Islands said to have been
visited by the Inca Tupac Yupanqui. (Pos-
sibly, though hardly probably, these were the
Galapagos or the Juan Fernandez Islands.)
Later, Sarmiento was associated with the
Viceroy Toledo, for whom he wrote his His-
tory of the Incas. Although this work con-
tains much precious material, it is greatly
marred, and, in some places, made valueless
by the extremely violent partisanship of its
writer who, at the behest of Toledo, did all
that he could to blacken the character of the
Incas. Sarmiento was captured by Sir Walter
Raleigh in 1586 and taken to England.

1572. Segunda Parte de la Historia Llamada

106 Pedro Pizarro

Indica. Ms. in the library of Gottingen Univer-
sity. (Now known as History of the Incas.)
For modern editions, see Bibliography.

VALERA, Bias: Born about 1551. Like
Garcilaso de la Vega, he was a mestizo, son
of a Spanish gentleman and an Inca lady.
He was born at Chachapoyas, and later on he
lived at Trujillo. About 1571 he went to
Cuzco as a catechist, having previously be-
come a Jesuit. He lived there for some ten
years, and then he moved to the important
Jesuit house at Juli on the northern end of
Lake Titicaca. He also visited such remote
places as La Paz and Quito. His education
was good, and he knew both Latin and Que-
chua in addition to Spanish. He always
made it a point to glean all the information
he could from informed Indians and other
persons, and he has long been admitted to be
the authority par excellence for pre-Conquest
Andean history. His writings, however, have
undergone misfortunes. In 1594 he went to
Spain where his History of Peru, in Latin,
became a most important source of informa-

Introduction 107

tion to Garcilaso. The work was then lost
during a siege of Cadiz by Essex. All that
we have are the fragments preserved, always
with due acknowledgments, by Garcilaso.
His “De los Indios del Peru”, however, is
still extant, having been published in anonym-
ity by Jimenez de la Espada and identified
as Valera’s by Gonzalez de la Rosa. A third
work, the “Vocabulario historico del Peru”,
was last heard of at La Paz where it was seen
by a later writer, Oliva. It is substantially
reproduced, however, by Fernando Monte-
sinos. Most of our information as to pre-
Inca Peru comes either from Valera or from
his close follower (not to say plagiarizer)
Montesinos. He is now and then borne out
by other writers, notably by las Casas.

For a discussion of the whole complicated matter
of Bias Valera, consult the various writings of
Markham, Riva-Aguero, Gonzalez de la Rosa,
Jimenez de la Espada, and P. A. Means.

See especially :

RIVA-AGUERO, Jos6 de la:

1910. La Historia en el Peru. Lima. Pages
11-218.

108 Pedro Pizarro

We must now take up the third and last
group of the early writers on Andean history.
The chief figures in it are these:

ACUNA, Christoval de: Hardly anything is
known of this man beyond the bare facts that
he was the leader of an expedition down the
Amazon about which valley he wrote. This
trip took place about 1639, and it resulted in
greatly increasing the limited fund of infor-
mation about the river regions. The state-
ment that Acufia was at one time Bishop of
Caracas is not, probably, correct, for his
name is not given in the list of Bishops of
Caracas presented by Antonio de Alcedo.
Acuna’s work, however, is useful.

1641. Nuevo Descubrimiento del Gran Rio de
las Amazonas. Madrid.

For modern edition, see Bibliography.
The list of bishops referred to will be found in :
ALCEDO, Antonio de:

1812-1815. The Geographical and Historical
Dictionary of America and the West Indies. . .
Ed. by G. A. Thompson. London. 5 volumes,
i, pages 296-299.

ARRIAGA, Pablo Joseph (or Jose) de: This

Introduction 109

writer was a Jesuit who was sent into the
remote and solitary province of Huarochiri
in the mountains east of Lima to extirpate
the idolatry which still flourished there. In
the execution of his duties he learned a vast
amount of things relating to the primitive
faith of the Yauyos, the people of that dis-
trict. All that he learned is embodied in his
book, which is one of the prime sources for
information about religion and kindred matters
in the Andes. *

1621. Extirpacion de la Idolatria del Piru.
Lima.

For modern edition, see Bibliography.

AVENDANO, Fernando or Hernando de: A
priest who, like Arriaga, made a study of the
native religion. He knew Quechua and was
in the habit of composing sermons in that
language.

1617. Relacion Acerca de la Idolatria de los
Indios del Arzobispado de Lima.

Ms. in Archivo de Indias, Seville.

1648. Sermones. . . En Lengua Castellan a y
General del Inca. Lima.

110 Pedro Pizarro

NOTE. These works are of excessive rarity. A
copy of the later one is in the John Carter Brown
Library at Providence, Rhode Island. There is
no modern edition that I know of. The work is
one which I have not seen personally.

AVILA, Francisco de: Another priest who
sought to stamp out the vigourous vestiges of
the old paganism and, so doing, described it
fully. He worked in Huarochiri.

1646-1648. Tratado de los Evangelios . . . de
los Indies Deste Reyno del Peru. . . Lima.
2 volumes.
For modern edition, see Bibliography.

COBO, Bernabe: Born in Spain in 1582.
His father died in 1594 or 1596, and young
Cobo came to America in the latter year.
After extensive wanderings in Colombia and
other northern parts of South America, he
arrived in Lima in February, 1599. He soon
entered the Jesuit College of San Martin,
and in 1608 or thereabout he became a Jesuit
himself. He remained in Lima till 1615. It
is interesting to note that he was by no means
brilliant at his studies. In 1615 he was sent
to the Jesuit house at Juli, near Lake Titi-

Introduction 111

caca. From 1616 to 1618 he was travelling
widely in Upper Peru (now Bolivia). From
1618 to 1629 he was moving about hi southern
Peru, returning to Lima hi the latter year.
From about 1630 to about 1650 he was travel-
ling in New Spain and elsewhere. From 1650
to 1653 he was living again at Lima. He died
there on October 9, 1657. His extensive
journeys, his real intelligence, his knowledge
of the people, and his great information based
upon earlier writings, both published and
unpublished, make Cobo an authority of the
very highest rank, even though he did flourish
more than a century after the Conquest.

1639. Historia de la Fundacion de Lima.
Mexico (?).

1653. Historia del Nuevo Mundo. Lima (?).

NOTE. I have not seen copies of either of these
early editions, nor do I know certainly as to the
place of their issuance. The dates, however, are
fairly correct. All the information given about
Cobo here is derived from the preface to the modern
edition of the Fundaci6n de Lima, edited by Gon-
zalez de la Rosa.

For modern editions, see Bibliography.

112 Pedro Pizarro

MONTESINOS, Fernando: This man came
to Peru in 1629 in the same ship with Luis
Jeronimo de Cabrera, Count of Chinchon and
Viceroy of Peru, 1629-1639. Montesinos was
probably secretary to the Viceroy. Although
a man totally devoid of critical acumen, and
although gullible and superstitious into the
bargain, Montesinos yet availed himself most
lavishly of earlier and more authoritative
writings. Chief among his sources was Va-
lera’s Vocabulario, already referred to. There
are no old editions of his works, and they
remained in manuscript till modern times.
In spite of faults, he is important.

For modern editions, see Bibliography.

OLIVA, Anello: Born in Naples in 1593,
brought to Peru in 1597. He died in Lima
in 1642. Oliva, like las Casas, Valera, Mon-
tesinos and others, and especially like Cobo,
gives much emphasis to pre-Inca times in the
Andes. His information was largely derived
from Valera, whom he mentions by name;
from Catari, an Indian versed in the lore of
the quipus; and other old sources. His work

Introduction 113

is of value, though not of the first rank. He
was a Jesuit.

1631. Vidas de Varones Ilustres. . . Lima.
2 volumes.

RAMOS GAVILAN, Alonso: Flourished in the
first quarter of the seventeenth century. Like
his contemporary, Arriaga, Ramos is a first-
rank authority for points regarding religion.
He was an Augustinian. His activities seem
to have centred about the southern end of
Lake Titicaca.

1621. Historia del Celebre Santuario de Nuestra
Senora de Copacabana. Lima.

NOTE. This is the way Markham lists the title.
Bandelier gives it a much longer form. Riva-
Aguero, however, agrees with Markham. Per-
sonally, I have never succeeded in seeing a copy of
the work. A bookseller in Paris was going to sell
me it, but he sold it for a higher price to someone
else whose identity I never discovered, and I
never saw the volume.

For modern editions, see Bibliography.
Consult :

BANDELIER, Adolph F. :

1910. The Islands of Titicaca and Koati.
Hispanic Society. New York. Page 31.

114 Pedro Pizarro

RIVA-AGUERO, Jose de la:

1910. La Historia en el Peru. Lima. Page
255.

SANTA CRUZ PACHACUTI YAMQUI SALCA-
MAYHUA, Juan de: He was a contemporary
of Ramos Gavilan and Arriaga. His father
was a chieftain in the Collao, and he himself
had a deep knowledge of folklore and lin-
guistics. The value of his work is lessened,
however, by his credulity and superstition.
His so-called star-chart and other things in
his work are of very doubtful antiquity.

1620. Relacion de Antiguedades deste Reino
del Peru. Lima (?).

NOTE. This edition is exceedingly rare. Not
having seen it, I am not sure of the place of its
publication.

CALANCHA, Antonio de la: Flourished in the
first half of the seventeenth century. He was
born at Chuquisaca (now La Paz) in 1584.
In 1598 he entered the Augustinian order at
Chuquisaca, and soon after came to Lima to
complete his education. He visited Trujillo,
Arequipa and other places in performance of

Introduction 115

his ecclesiastical duties. His attention was
much directed, as was that of Arriaga, to the
question of extirpating idolatry. He was a
strict disciplinarian. In the words of Riva-
Aguero (which I translate) : “An unwearying
collector of … documents, and a man who
represented the vast but undigested learning
of the monastery, he gathered a huge number
of data”. But his literary style was atrocious,
and his habit of jumbling all sorts of things
together was a great impediment to his book.
Yet there is a great deal of invaluable mate-
rial buried in his obscurely written pages. He
was one of the first great historians to have
been affected by that strange literary disease
known as culteranismo or gongorismo. Like
Arriaga, he is a first-rank source of informa-
tion concerning religion and folklore. He
died in 1654.

1638. Coronica Moralizada del Orden de San

Avgvstin en el Perv, con Svcesos Egenplares en

esta Monarquia. Barcelona.
A continuation of this work was:
CORDOBA, Diego de:
1653. Coronica Moralizada. , Lima.

116 Pedro Pizarro

The two volumes were also issued as one
work at Barcelona, Volume I being dated
1639 and being a reproduction of the 1638
edition.

NOTE. There are no modern editions of this work.

CARDENAS, Bernardino de: Born at Chu-
quisaca (now Sucre) about 1605. He became
a Franciscan, and in 1643 was made Bishop
of Asuncion. While occupying that see he
had a protracted quarrel with the Jesuits.
His work brought him into close touch with
the Indians of his diocese, and he learned
much about their folklore and rites. In 1666
he became Bishop of Santa Cruz de la Sierra,
and he died there in 1668. His work is
valuable, but not first-rank.

1634. Relacion de las Cosas del Peru. Madrid.
NOTE. Markham gives this work thus:
1634. Memorial y Relacion Verdadera para el
Rei N. S. y su Real Concejo de las Indias, de Cosas
del Reino del Peru, mui Importantes a Su Real Ser-
vicio, y Conciencia. Madrid.

CHRONOLOGY

CHRONOLOGY OF THE CONQUEST

PERIOD IN THE ANDEAN

REGION

NOTE. One of the shortcomings of Pedro Pizarro’s
work is its total lack of dates. For that reason the
present edition is now provided with the following
chronological material which the reader may consult
if he so desires. It is based on a wide range of the best
available data. 9

1513: B. Nunez de Balboa discovers the Pacific
Ocean.

1514: APRIL 12; Pedro Arias de Avila and his wife
Isabel de Bobadilla sail from San Lucar de Bar-
rameda on their way to Panama.
JULY 20; They arrive at Panama. Pascual
de Andagoya is of their party.

1515 to 1521, inclusive: Nothing of importance for us.

1522: The Adelantado Pascual de Andagoya makes
a voyage southward under the patronage of
Governor Arias. He gets as far as the south-
ern part of what is now Colombia and makes
journeys of exploration there. He hears defi-
nitely of the Inca empire. Ill health obliges
him to turn northward.

110

120 Pedro Pizarro

1523: Andagoya returns to Panama and makes his
report.

1524: Francisco Pizarro, Diego Almagro and Fer-
nando de Luque form a partnership, and
Pizarro makes his first trip southward, going
somewhat further than Andagoya had gone.
Though he and his men suffer untold priva-
tions, they hear still more definitely of the
Inca empire and its tempting wealth.

1525 : Pizarro returns from his first trip. News of his
voyage reaches Spain.

1526: MARCH 10; Pizarro, Almagro and Luque
sign at Panama their famous contract for the
conquest of Peru. They secure the permission
of Arias de Avila.

NOVEMBER; Pizarro, accompanied by the
pilot Bartolome Ruiz, sets out on his second
voyage southward. Almagro follows him before
long.

1527: The explorers encounter many hardships.
Ruiz crosses the Equator; the incident of the
balsa brings him into personal touch with sub-
jects of the Inca. Pizarro and his men take
refuge from hostile Indians and other dangers
on the Island of Gallo. Almagro starts north-
ward in search of new supplies and reenforce-
ments. He unconsciously bears the complaints
of the discontented elements among Pizarro’s

Chronology 121

men. He finds that Pedro de los Rios is now
governor of Panama. On receiving the com-
plaints, Rios sends Pedro Alonso de Tafur, a
judge, to Gallo in order to bring the men back
to Panama. The incident of the thirteen (or
sixteen) faithful men. All save them desert
Pizarro and return to Panama. After much
difficulty with Governor Rios, Almagro suc-
ceeds in sending a small vessel with supplies to
Gallo. Leaving some of his few followers be-
hind on the island of Gorgona, Pizarro goes
southward in this ship and stops at Tumbez
where Alonso de Molina and Pedro de Candia
go ashore. He then goes down the coast as far
as Santa, examining the country as he goes.

1528: After exploring the coast as far as Santa,
Pizarro returns to Panama and reports what
he has seen to Almagro and Luque. In the
Spring of the year he leaves for Spain to secure
royal favour.

1529: Pizarro finds the Court at Toledo. The Em-
peror Charles V hears his report in person.
The Emperor is obliged to leave Spain, how-
ever, and leaves the matter in the charge of
Juana, the regent.

JULY 24 or 26; Agreement or Capitulation
for the conquest of Peru signed by Juana and
Pizarro. Honours and benefices are bestowed
upon Pizarro ‘s followers and colleagues.

Pedro Pizarro

1530 : JANUARY 19 ; Pizarro sails from San Lucar.
With him are his brothers Hernando Pizarro,
Gonzalo Pizarro, Juan Pizarro and Francisco
Martin de Alcantara, likewise his cousin Pedro
Pizarro.

On arriving at Panama Marquis Francisco
Pizarro (as he now is) has a quarrel with
Almagro who is dissatisfied with the honours
which Pizarro has secured for him at Court.
Toward the end of the year the opportune
arrival of Hernando Ponce de Leon and
Hernando de Soto, with two ships from Nica-
ragua, heals the breach.

NOVEMBER and DECEMBER; Pizarro
and these two men, with their followers, go
down the coast as far as Coaque. Thence they
send the ships back to Panama for more men.
They go southward by land.
DECEMBER 25; They have a sharp fight
with the people of the Island of Puna.

1531: JANUARY; Pizarro and his men, much
aided by their firearms and horses and armour,
capture Tumbez.

The remainder of the year taken up with
explorations.

1532: JANUARY to MARCH; Bartolome de las
Casas said to have visited Peru.
MAY 24; San Miguel de Tangarara founded.
SEPTEMBER 24; Leaving Sebastian de

Chronology 123

Benalcazar in command at San Miguel, the
Marquis sets forth on a trip southward.
SEPTEMBER 27; He reaches the Piura
valley.

OCTOBER 7; He passes Pabor or Pabur, in
the upper Piura valley.
OCTOBER 8; He reaches Zarran.
OCTOBER 9 to NOVEMBER 4; Explora-
tions by the Marquis (Sechura desert) and
Soto (Caxas and Huancabamba).
NOVEMBER 4 to 14; Travelling toward
Cajamarca.

NOVEMBER 15; Hernando Pizarro and
Soto have an interview with Atahualpa near
Cajamarca.

NOVEMBER 16 ; The capture of Atahualpa.
NOVEMBER 18; Atahualpa offers ransom.
He is held prisoner.

DECEMBER 20; Ransom begins to arrive
at Cajamarca, in charge of a brother of
Atahualpa.

1533: FEBRUARY; Almagro arrives on the coast,
having come from Panama.
FEBRUARY 5; Three ordinary soldiers sent
from Cajamarca to spy out the country as far
as Cuzco.

JANUARY 5 to APRIL 25; Hernando
Pizarro makes a long trip from Cajamarca to

124 Pedro Pizarro

Pachacamac and Jauja and back to Caja-

marca.

MAY 3; The ransom of Atahualpa is all

assembled.

AUGUST 29; Atahualpa executed, on unjust

grounds.

SEPTEMBER; The Marquis begins his

march toward Cuzco.

NOVEMBER 15 ; The entry of the Spaniards

into Cuzco. Manco Inca.

DECEMBER; Hernando Pizarro at Panama,

en route for Spain.

1534: JANUARY; The Spaniards in the Titicaca
region.

MARCH; Pedro de Alvarado arrives at the
Quito coast from Nicaragua. With about 500
men he marches to conquer Quito, but is
forestalled by Sebastian de Benalcazar. Al-
magro follows the latter northward. They all
meet and go to Pachacamac. After a long
negotiation Alvarado accepts 100,000 pesos de
oro and gives up his claims, returning to
Guatimala in DECEMBER.
DECEMBER; Trujillo founded.

1535 : JANUARY 1 ; Marquis Pizarro and Almagro
at Pachacamac.

JANUARY 18; Lima founded by Marquis
Francisco Pizarro.

Chronology 125

JUNE 12; Agreement as to territories signed
by Pizarro and Almagro.

JULY 3; Almagro, accompanied by Villac
Umu, Paullu, Saavedra, Orgofiez and Rada,
leaves for Chile with a goodly force.
1536: FEBRUARY to DECEMBER; Siege of
Cuzco by Manco Inca, who finally withdraws
to Vitcos.

1537 : MARCH ; Almagro returns from Chile.
APRIL 8 or 18; Almagro seizes Cuzco.
MAY 31; Fray Tomas de Berlanga, Bishop
of Panama, appointed to settle boundary dis-
putes between Pizarro and Almagro.
JULY 12; Almagro and Orgofiez defeat
Alonso de Alvarado at Abancay.
JULY 25; Almagro imprisons Hernando Pi-
zarro and others at Cuzco.
NOVEMBER 13; Marquis Pizarro and Al-
magro meet near Chincha. They quarrel
bitterly.

1538: JANUARY 1; Almagro in retreat at Huay-
tara.

FEBRUARY 10; A. Enriquez de Guzman is
made Captain-general of Cuzco.
APRIL 26; Hernando Pizarro and Gonzalo
Pizarro defeat Rodrigo Orgofiez at the battle
of las Salinas.

JULY 8; Diego de Almagro, the Elder, put
to death at Cuzco.

126 Pedro Pizarro

1539: OCTOBER (?); Hernando Pizarro leaves for
Spain. Gonzalo Pizarro enters the forests of
the Amazon valley.

1540 : JANUARY; Marquis Pizarro in Upper Peru.
MARCH ; Pedro de Valdivia leaves for Chile.
AUGUST 15; Arequipa founded by Pizarro
and Garci Manuel de Carvajal.

1541: FEBRUARYS; Cristobal Vaca de Castro
arrives at Panama.

MARCH 19; He sails for Peru and later
leaves his ship on the Quito coast or at Buena-
ventura (Colombia).

JUNE 26; Marquis Francisco Pizarro as-
sassinated.

JULY 14; Diego de Almagro the lad writes
to the Audience of Panama asking for their
favour.

NOVEMBER 15; Vaca de Castro is at
Quito.

1542: JANUARY; Vaca de Castro leaves Quito.

JUNE; Gonzalo Pizarro returns from the

Amazon valley.

SEPTEMBER 16; Vaca de Castro, with the

aid of Carbajal, defeats Almagro the lad at the

battle of Chupas. Almagro the lad killed.

NOVEMBER 20; The New Laws signed at

Barcelona by Charles V.

NOVEMBER 24; Vaca de Castro in Cuzco.

Chronology 127

1543: JANUARY to MAY; Vaca de Castro at Cuzco
institutes governmental reforms.
NOVEMBER; Blasco Nunez Vela leaves
Spain with New Laws.

1544: MARCH 4; B. Nunez Vela arrives at Tum-
bez.

MAY 15; He takes over the viceregal
post at Lima.

SEPTEMBER 13; He kills Guillen Xuarez
de Carbajal.

SEPTEMBER 18; He is deposed by the
Audience and shipped north.
OCTOBER 28; Gonzalo Pizarro enters Lima
in triumph.
OCTOBER; B. Nunez Vela lands at Tumbez.

1545: MAY (?); Rebellion of Centeno against
Gonzalo Pizarro.

JULY (?); News of bad reception of New
Laws reaches the Court.
NOVEMBER 20; The New Laws revoked.
NOVEMBER (?); Death of Manco Inca at
Vitcos.

1546: JANUARY 18; Blasco Nunez Vela killed at
the battle of Aflaquito, the battle being won
by Gonzalo Pizarro and Sebastian de Benal-
cazar.

FEBRUARY 26; Pedro de la Gasca is given
powers equal to royal by Emperor Charles V,
at Venlo, Flanders.

128 Pedro Pizarro

MAY 24 or 27; Gasca leaves San Lucar.
JULY 17; He reaches Nombre de Dies.
JULY; Gonzalo Pizarro begins to move
southward from Quito toward Lima.
AUGUST 11; Gasca reaches Panama. He
finds Hinojosa there with fleet of Gonzalo
Pizarro.

AUGUST 13; Gasca meets Hinojosa at
Panama.

NOVEMBER 15; Lorenzo de Aldana ar-
rives at Panama.

NOVEMBER 19 ; Hinojosa and Aldana hand
over Gonzalo Pizarro’s fleet to Gasca.

1547: JANUARY 9; Bishop Jeronimo de Loayza
joins Gasca at Panama.

JANUARY; Gonzalo Pizarro entertains hopes
of becoming king.

FEBRUARY 17; L. de Aldana sails from
Panama with the fleet.

MARCH; Plans for coronation of Pizarro
being carried forward.

APRIL and MAY; Plans for coronation
being hastened.

APRIL 10; Gasca leaves Panama.
JUNE 23; Gasca reaches Manta.
JULY 1 ; He reaches Tumbez.
AUGUST 4; Still at Tumbez.
OCTOBER 21; Battle of Huarina won by
Gonzalo Pizarro against Diego Centeno.

Chronology 129

DECEMBER 30; Gasca at Jauja.
1548: APRIL 9; Battle of Xaquixaguana. Death
of Gonzalo Pizarro, and of Carbajal.
APRIL 12; Gasca enters Cuzco in triumph.
APRIL 18; Still in Cuzco.

1549: FEBRUARY to DECEMBER; Gasca at
Lima.

1550: JANUARY 27; Gasca sails for Panama,
leaving the government in the hands of the
Judges of the Royal Audience.

1551 : The University of San Marcos is founded.

NOVEMBER 12; Antonio de Mendoza ar-
rives in Lima as Viceroy.

1552: JULY 21; Mendoza dies. The Audience

controls the government.
1553: NOVEMBER 12; Francisco Hernandez

Gir6n arises in revolt.
1554 : JANUARY 4 ; Giron goes to Lima.

JANUARY 27; He is joined at Guamanga

by Tomas Vasquez.

MARCH 30; Alonso de Alvarado goes to

Cuzco.

MAY 8; Gir6n goes up from Nasca to

Chuquinga.

MAY 21 ; After battle of Chuquinga he enters

Cuzco in triumph.

SEPTEMBER 22; He retreats south to

Pucara and is defeated there.

RELATION

Of the discovery and conquest of the king-
doms of Peru, and of the government and
arrangements .which the natives of them for-
merly had, and of the treasures which were
found therein, and of the other events which
have taken place in those realms up to the
day on which the Relation was signed. Done
by Pedro Pizarro, a conqueror and settler of
those said kingdoms, and a citizen of the city
of Arequipa, in the year 1571.

13$ Pedro Pizarro

To the Sacred Catholic Royal Majesty of
the King Don Felipe our Lord, Pedro Pizarro,
his meanest vassal.

Many, O most catholic and most clement
Prince, are those who have written about the
affairs of these your kingdoms of Peru, as
well those which touch upon the conquest
as those which occurred after the realms were
settled by your vassals, but, as the writers do
not write of what they saw, treating only of
what they have heard, they can not give a
clear and truthful account of what they de-
scribe, and so I, the least of your vassals, agreed
to bring out into the light all that which, up
to now, has remained in the dark and in the
shadows, for I am a person who has been in
these provinces from the beginning of the con-
quest until its termination, and I have had a
part in all the several events which took place
after the conquest. And, although lowly and
petty matters are unworthy to be offered to
great and exalted Princes like Your Majesty,
still I made so bold as to dedicate and direct
the present trifling work to you so that,

Relation 133

through your favour and protection, it may be
made great. As it concerns itself with king-
doms and lordships of Your Majesty, so remote
from your Royal presence, I rest my hope
upon the Creator of them and of all things
that it will give pleasure to Your Majesty and
also that it may be a cause for giving praise
to our Lord to whom may many thanks be
given for the marvels which he wrought upon
his faithful during the time the conquest of
these kingdoms lasted, and even afterwards.
May the Lord permit Your Majesty to enjoy
long years of life, and afterwards give you
years which shall have no end.

The Relation of the Discovery and Conquest of

Peru Begins

In tierra firme, in the city of Panama, there
were three companions who were conquerors
and settlers in that land. They were Don
Francisco Pizarro, Don Diego de Almagro, and
Father Luque. They were associates in some
estates and allotments of Indians which had
been granted to them. Of these men the most

134 Pedro Pizarro

important was Don Francisco Pizarro whom,
as such, the governors of tierra firme made a
captain in the conquest of that land. Don
Diego de Almagro was a very good soldier,
and so excellent a woodsman that he could
follow an Indian through even the thickest
forests merely by tracing his tracks and, al-
though the Indian might have a league’s ad-
vantage of him, yet would Almagro catch up
with him. Father Luque was a citizen of
Panama at that time, and they were the
richest men then in the place. 35 Just then the
people of tierra firme had news of a province
which is called Peru, some two hundred
leagues from tierra firme, but up the coast
from the land which is now called Peru, for
they gave to this land of Peru the name of
that province which is near Baruacoas on
the side toward Panama. 36 And they could
not conquer that province of Peru as it is in
a very mountainous country and has very
bellicose people who put poisonous herbs on
their arrows. They are people who keep watch
by night and sound the quarter hours upon

Relation 135

drums. And the province is small and on bad
soil. So these three companions agreed to set
forth to conquer this said province. Then, on
discussing the matter with Pedro Arias de
Avila, who at that time was governor of tierra
firme, they brought him into contract with
them under such conditions that Pedro Arias
was not to be obliged then to contribute any
money or anything else, but that his share
of the expenses was to be paid out of his share
of whatever might be found in the land. The
three companions perforce agreed to these
terms as a means of getting the necessary
licence, for otherwise they would not have got
it. Then having received the licence, they
made Don Francisco Pizarro Captain-general,
and Don Diego de Almagro they made second
leader. They then embarked, and proceeded
on their journey down the coast until they ar-
rived at the said province of Peru, where they
could not do anything for the reasons already
told, and so they went on down the coast
where they suffered many trials and many of
the men died, for it was a land of mangrove

136 Pedro Pizarro

swamps with but few Indians, some of whom
came in canoes built upon logs, and in this
land two years were spent, and they suffered
excessive hardships, and more than three
hundred men died of hunger and disease.
Then, at the end of this time, they took port
at the island of Gallo and at that of Borgona
[sic], so shattered and so greatly enfeebled
that they were unable to proceed further.
They agreed to send Don Diego de Almagro
to Panama in a ship which they had, for Pedro
de los Rios, who had come to inspect the acts
of Pedro Arias de Avila and to be governor of
tierra firme, had sent for them to return. And
when this was decided upon, it was agreed that
Don Francisco Pizarro should remain on
Borgona [sic] lest, if all should return, there
should be none to return to the work begun.
Then, the Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro
remaining on the said island with twelve men,
one of them wrote a letter which he placed in a
ball of cotton destined for the governor Pedro
de los Rios. In the letter he said: “Very mag-
nificent Sir: Know this to be the truth entire,

Relation 137

that yonder goes the gleaner, and here re-
mains the butcher.” 37 When Almagro ar-
rived at Panama with the men who wished to
go with him, the letter was seen by the gov-
ernor Pedro de los Rios who did not wish to
grant leave for any people to return to the
place where Don Francisco Pizarro was, and,
seeing this, Don Diego de Almagro and his
companion Father Luque made many req-
uisitions upon the governor, protesting that
the lives of those who had remained on the
island must be saved. For this reason the
governor finally gave them leave to send men
to Don Francisco Pizarro under the condi-
tion that, if no land suitable for settlement
should be found, they would return within
four months of the time at which they arrived
at the place where Don Francisco Pizarro
was. 38 Then, this licence having been ob-
tained, Don Diego de Almagro prepared the
ship and provided supplies, and with some
Spaniards despatched it under the command of
Bartolome Perez [i. e., Ruiz], a pilot who had
gone out on the voyage of conquest and dis-

138 Pedro Pizarro

co very to los Manglares. 39 When he arrived
at the island of Borgona [sic] he found the
Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro with the com-
panions who had remained with him, and there
was much joy on the part of those who were
on the island, for they were on the point of
perishing with hunger, and they had de-
termined to entrust themselves to a vessel in
order to go to Panama, for it was now five
months that they had been suffering there,
among great perils from the Indians who had
given them many battles, and on the day on
which they were to set out, the ship arrived,
and they all went aboard of it, and they went
on down the coast in order to discover what
there was beyond. And thereby was our Lord
served, for they came upon good land, for they
encountered the province of Puerto Viejo,
and from there they went to the port of Tum-
bez, and they passed a little further down the
coast where they got news of this land, al-
though not of all that was later found and dis-
covered. They saw some ewes which the
people gave them, and aboard some balsas

Relation 189

which they overtook upon the sea there were
girdles of mother-of-pearl, of gold and of
silver, as well as some of the clothes which
they wear in that country, all of which they
kept in order to take it to Spain to show to
His Majesty. And likewise there were three
or four boys, Indians of the land, whom they
captured aboard the balsas, as well as some
others whom the Indians gave them to eat,
thinking that the Spaniards were eaters of
human flesll. 40 And, having given many
thanks to God for having vouchsafed them
so many mercies, and for having shown them
a land so rich and so well peopled, they deter-
mined to return to tierra firme in order to go
and give the tidings to His Majesty of all that
they had discovered. And, taking with them
the specimens of the things they had found,
they set forth, and they left behind a Spaniard
named Morillo who had fled inland, and
another, named Bocanegra, remained behind
with permission to do so. The greatest town
which they found at that time was Tumbez,
and this they stated to be the chief town of

140 Pedro Pizarro

the country in the report and relation which
they brought back and made public. All this
having been arranged, they returned to
Panama where they found Pedro de los Rios
established as governor, because Pedro Arias
Davila, who was governor before, had gone
to Nicaragua, a province which had just been
discovered. And in this Don Francisco
Pizarro and Don Diego de Almagro had good
fortune, for if Pedro Arias had been there he
would have taken the enterprise away from
them, and would have taken it for himself.
When the said companions were arrived, then,
they agreed between themselves and Father
Luque that Don Francisco Pizarro should go
to Spain to seek the governorship for himself
and Don Diego de Almagro, and, for Father
Luque, a bishopric. And all being arranged,
the said Don Francisco Pizarro set out, car-
rying with him the specimens which they had
brought from that land, and two Indians of
those whom, as I have said, were given them to
eat. Up to this point I tell what I have heard.
Henceforth I shall tell what I have seen. 41

Relation 141

Having set forth on his journey, he was by
the grace of our Lord borne safely to Spain
where he soon went to kiss the feet of His
Majesty the Emperor our Lord, who is now hi
glory, and who was then in the city of Toledo,
and when he [Pizarro] had given him [the
Emperor] an account of what had been dis-
covered, His Majesty sent him to his Council
of the Indies whose president at that time was
the Conde de Osorno, and Don Francisco
made his plea ‘in conformity with the agree-
ment he had come to with his already men-
tioned companions. In the Council they told
him that it was not fitting that governorship
be given to two companions, because in Santa
Marta it had been done, and one governor
had killed the other. Would that it had
pleased God our Lord that they had held to
this decision always, for later on governorship
was given to Don Diego de Almagro, and one
of them killed the other, and all the battles
and wars which have taken place in this
kingdom have grown out of the event. Don
Francisco Pizarro, having many times be-

Pedro Pizarro

sought them to grant the governorship to both
companions, as I say, was advised to ask for
the governorship for himself only without its
being granted to any other person. Perceiv-
ing that there was no likelihood of his receiv-
ing what he asked for and desired, he did ask
that the grant be made to him, and thus it was
done. And having entered into an agreement
with the Sovereign as to what things were to
be done, he went to the city of Seville where he
embarked in two ships and a small vessel so
as to carry with him the troops he was ordered
to take, who were to number three hundred.
After equipping the ships, he embarked with
some troops, but not with the full comple-
ment he was supposed to take with him. 41
While he was thus in the port of San Lucar
waiting for a favourable time to sail, Don
Francisco Pizarro was warned that officials
were coming to review the troops he was tak-
ing, and that if the full complement were
found not to be present, they would prevent
his journey. When Don Francisco Pizarro
learned this he embarked on the small vessel

Relation 143

already mentioned; he forthwith sailed out
past the bar of San Lucar and went to wait
for us at the island of Gomera. When those
who had come to hold the review arrived, they
saw that Don Francisco Pizarro was gone, and
they took possession of his two ships, but they
were made to understand that the number of
men which was lacking was aboard the small
vessel. And in a few days, under good
weather conditions, we sailed out past the
bar of San Lucar in the said two ships under
Hernando Pizarro, his brother, whom he had
left as captain of them. And our Lord being
pleased to vouchsafe us good weather, we ar-
rived at the island of Gomera, where we found
Don Francisco Pizarro, and thence all together
we set forth in good weather and went to take
port at Santa Marta, where Pedro de Lerma
was governor, and the people there enticed
away some of our men, spreading abroad a
rumour that the land to which we were going
was a bad land with nothing to eat but ser-
pents and lizards and dogs, which news caused
a good deal of fear among the men who came

144 Pedro Pizarro

with us. And so some of them fled from us
and remained in that place. And from there
we went to the port of Nombre de Dios where
Don Diego de Almagro, on learning of the
arrival of his companion Don Francisco Pi-
zarro, came to meet him. And when he under-
stood that he did not bring powers of govern-
ment for both of them and that His Majesty
had not wished to give it to both of them,
but to one only, Don Diego de Almagro re-
belled, and he took himself off with the money
and wealth he had collected, and he did not
wish to aid Don Francisco Pizarro to prepare
his fleet and pass on to, for he said that since
he [Pizarro] had not arranged all that had
been agreed upon, that money and wealth was
his own, for Don Francisco Pizarro had
spent his share and much more besides on
his trip to Spain, and Father Luque did like-
wise, because he [Pizarro] had not brought
him the bishopric agreed upon, for His Maj-
esty did not wish to grant it until he had
informed himself as to what sort of a man he
[Luque] was. And on account of all this

Relation 145

much hardship was experienced, and some of
the troops who had come out with the
Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro died. And
as it was not possible, the journey was not
made. And sometimes, through the media-
tion of third parties, Pizarro and Almagro
came into agreement, and on one of these
occasions when they were in agreement,
Hernando Pizarro being ill, Almagro went to
visit him, and they discussed between them-
selves the preparations for their journey.
Hernando Pizarro told him that he was much
afflicted because he could not give horses to
two squires whom he had brought with him
so that they might come to him, and Almagro
told him not to feel badly about it for he
himself would give to Juan Cortes and to Toro,
thus were the squires called, a horse for each
one, and he gave his word that he do it, which
word he never kept, and for this reason
Hernando Pizarro used evil language to Don
Diego de Almagro, calling him a roistering
scoundrel and other offensive things. I have
wished to relate all this in order that the origin

146 Pedro Pizarro

of all the passion and rancour between Pizarro
and Almagro may be understood, from which
have resulted in this land so many battles,
and the deaths of so many men, and so many
mishaps, and the misfortunes because of which
neither Pizarro nor Almagro has a clod of
earth in this land, both having died the un-
fortunate deaths which overtook them. Then,
things being in this situation, it befell that
Hernando Ponce de Leon came from Nicara-
gua with two ships laden with slaves whom
he meant to sell in Panama, they belonging
to him and to his companion Hernando de
Soto. 43 Seeing the arrival of this Hernan
Ponce, Hernando Pizarro tried to induce him
to give him the two ships which he had brought
in order that he [Hernando Pizarro] might
carry troops to this land, for the thing they
needed most for the journey was ships.
Hernan Ponce came to an agreement with
them, getting many advantages out of the
bargain, and his companion, Soto, whom
Hernando Pizarro and his brother Don
Francisco Pizarro placed in command of the

folation 147

ships and was made captain and lieutenant
governor of the chief town which should be
founded if the land proved to be rich, and to
the said Hernan Ponce was to be given one
of the best repartimientos which were in the
kingdom. All this the Marquis Don Francisco
Pizarro and his brother granted and carried
out. Don Diego de Almagro, seeing how this
agreement had been made, and how because
of it the journey could be accomplished,
agreed to make friends with Don Francisco
Pizarro and Hernando Pizarro his brother,
which was done, although with reservations
and evil designs, as always thereafter ap-
peared.

All that I have said having been arranged,
Don Francisco Pizarro, with the troops who
had come from Spain and with some who had
joined him in tierra firme, in all some two hun-
dred men, embarked and proceeded on his
journey, taking port at the bay of San Mateo
where he set some men ashore, after which
the ships went on down the coast, visiting a
village called Coaque, and our Lord was well

148 Pedro Pizarro

served by their touching there, for, on account
of what was found there, the land gained in
renown, and men came to it, as will be told
further on. 44 Then, having arrived at this
village of Coaque, they attacked it suddenly
without warning to its people, for had it been
otherwise they would not have captured the
quantity of gold and emeralds which they did
capture there. 45 As soon as the village was
taken, its inhabitants fled, and they could not
have been very many for this village is near
to great forests, and they left all their posses-
sions behind them. The Spaniards collected
them and assembled all the gold and silver
in one place, for it was forbidden on pain of
death to do anything else, because all had
to bring whatever they found to one pile so
that the governor might there distribute it,
giving to each man a quantity in conformity
to his merits and services, and this arrange-
ment was preserved throughout the conquest
of this land, and he who was found to have
gold or silver hidden away died for it, and on
this account no one, so far as is known, dared

Relation 149

to hide them. About the emeralds there was a
shameful mistake on the part of certain per-
sons who did not know their value. But some
others knew what they were and kept them.
But in the end there were many emeralds
of great value. Some of the men tried them
on anvils, giving them blows with a hammer,
saying that if they were emeralds they would
not break. Others scorned the stones, say-
ing they were glass. He who knew what they
were kept them and held his tongue, as they
say was done by a Frai Reginaldo who found
some [emeralds] at Panama while he was
going to Spain, he being a Dominican who
died, one of the three whom the Marquis
Don Francisco Pizarro had out from Spain,
and the chief of them. [He could do this]
because these [stones] did not have to go into
the pile which was made, as they were some-
thing which was not then understood, al-
though later it became known what they were.
Much finery of gold and silver was found,
many crowns made of gold after the fashion
of imperial crowns, and many other pieces

150 Pedro Pizarro

the value of which mounted to more than
two hundred thousand castellanos. From the
place where this village of Coaque was down
to Caxamalca they did not find two thousand
pesos of gold and silver all told, on account
of which the troops were much dismayed, and
they were very discontented. Having got this
treasure, Don Francisco Pizarro sent one of
the ships of Hernan Ponce de Leon to Nic-
aragua under Garcia de Aguilar with some
of these gold crowns and other pieces in order
that, on seeing them, troops might be encour-
aged to come to these parts. As soon as the
wealth which the ship brought was seen,
Hernando de Soto, already mentioned, armed
his Indians, and assembled as many as one
hundred [Spanish] men, who at that time had
neither captains nor governors nor pay from
anyone, but each one for himself got on with-
out aid from anyone, and they even paid
freight charges to the owners of the ships.
In this Coaque they found many mattresses
of wool from the ceyua, which is a tree they
grow there and thus name. 48 And it befell

Relation 151

then that some Spaniards who threw them-
selves down upon the mattresses got up
crippled, for if the arm or the leg was doubled
up during sleep it could not be straightened
out again except with very great difficulty.
This was the lot of some people, and it was
understood to be the origin of a disease called
berrugas, a disease so bad and tormenting
that it caused many men to be wearied and
worn by pain just as if they had tumours,
and even great sores came out all over the
body, and some were as big as eggs, and they
corrupted the skin, and much pus and blood
ran out of them so that it was necessary to
cut them out and to throw strong things
[herbs?] into the wound to kill the root.
There were other sores as small as measles,
because of which the whole body swelled up.
Few were those who escaped having them,
though they attacked some men more than
they did others. Some wished to claim that the
cause of this infirmity was some fish which they
ate in the provinces of Puerto Viejo, and which
the Indians maliciously gave to the Spaniards. 47

Pedro Pizarro

While, as I say, they were thus in this vil-
lage of Coaque, preparing to pass onward,
Benalcazar arrived 48 with about thirty men
in a small vessel. This gave great joy to the
Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro and to those
who were with him, and they received them
with much joy, and so they made great haste
and began to journey overland from Puerto
Viejo onward, and so, by their forced marches,
they went on until they received news of the
island of Puna, and going aboard the ships
they entered it, and the cacique of it came
out in peace and gave a good reception to the
Spaniards, and he stayed in this frame of
mind some days, at the end of which he per-
mitted [his people] to rise up and slay the
Spaniards, and he used a stratagem, for he
was wont to come with great noise to visit
the Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro. 49 This
noise was declared to be [their notion of]
dancing, and so they made it while they came
with their arms, and finally the truth came
out, and there was a battle with the Span-
iards in which some soldiers were wounded,

Relation 153

among them Hernando Pizarro, who was
wounded in the leg. They made prisoner
the cacique of the island and some of his
chief men; he was called Tumala, and all
were kept prisoners for several days. When
the Indians of Tumbez received this news,
they came feigning pacific intentions [toward
the Spaniards] in order to avenge themselves
upon them of the island of Puna, because
there had been great wars between them, and
they of Puna had destroyed Tumbez by fire.
And, as I say, in order to avenge themselves,
they came in peace and besought the Marquis
Don Francisco Pizarro to yield up to them
the cacique and his chiefs in order that they
might slay them, for which they [of Tumbez]
would give their friendship to the Christians.
And the Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro in
order to win their friendship, and because
they had come thither in peace, gave up to
them some of the chiefs, whom they killed in
the presence of the Spaniards by means of
beheading. The chief cacique he [Pizarro]
did not wish to give up to them, and after-

154 Pedro Pizarro

wards he was set free when we left that place.
In this island were found five ewes of the
country so fat that they could not multiply,
but when they were killed not so much as
two arreldes of good meat were found on
them. 50 Also there was in this island an
Inga, one of those of Cuzco, who governed
Puerto Vie jo and the island [of Puna] and
Tumbez for the Inga [the Sovereign], and as
soon as the Spaniards arrived he disappeared
and went away without informing himself of
anything. Here in this island were found
three Indian women who had been servants
of the two Spaniards named Morillo and
Bocanegra 51 who, as I said, remained in that
land when the Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro
discovered it and went to Spain to ask for the
governorship of it. Among the clothes of these
women was found a small piece of paper with
writing in which said Bocanegra: Know you
who may come to this land that there is more
gold in it than there is iron in Vizcaya. When
this paper was read most of the soldiers be-
lieved it, and it was purposely read in public

Relation 155

by the Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro, for
the men were very discontented on account
of not having found another Coaque. The
people of this island [of Puna] and those of
Puerto Viejo and Tumbez, wear raiment, con-
sisting of very fine silky fibres, on their
heads. The chiefs and rich Indians wear
girdles woven with mother-of-pearl, gold and
silver four fingers in width, and narrower
over the hips than in that part which lies
over the body. Above this they wear a gar-
ment which conceals the person. Some of the
women wear the same costume, though they are
covered down to the wrist and on the legs almost
to the ankle. These people have maize, beans,
fish, and other vegetables, to eat. Save for
those ewes I have mentioned, they have none
north of Tumbez. The people of the island
and those of Tumbez were very bellicose in
war, and they wore their hair cut short a little
below the ear. For arms they had long
arrows, spears and clubs. The folk of Puerto
Viejo were very dirty and were given over to
the abominable crime. 62 They worshipped

156 Pedro Pizarro

stones and wooden idols and, by order of the
Inga, the sun. Then, being in this situation
which I describe, the Marquis Don Francisco
Pizarro saw himself on the said island with
many of his men sick with berrugas, [and he
was waiting for] the coming of more troops so
that they might set out thence, for, on account
of the many bad people round about, they had
not set out. [Just then] Hernando de Soto
arrived from Nicaragua with the above-men-
tioned troops in two ships, on account of
which the Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro
and those who were with him received much
pleasure and contentment, although those who
had come [did not feel the same way], because
as they had left the Paradise of Mahoma
which Nicaragua was and had found an island
in revolt and lacking in food and the greater
part of the troops sick and neither gold nor
silver such as had been found in the lands
behind them, some and all wished to return
whence they had come, and the captain for
very shame did not prevent it, nor did the
soldiers, not being able to do so.

Relation 157

Then, while all were preparing to pass on-
ward to Tumbez, it befell that His Majesty’s
treasurer, Riquelme, seeing how poor and
sickly was the land as far as that point, and
for other reasons which he pretended to have
moved him, made up his mind to flee from
the land, and so he secretly agreed with the
master of a small ship, and one night he em-
barked clandestinely and went away. When
his going was learned of by the Marquis Don
Francisco Pizdrro, he went aboard one of the
two ships which were in the port, went in
pursuit of him, caught up with him and
brought him back. And in a few days more
he ordered the men to make ready, and, the
horses [cavalry?] having been put aboard the
ships, the rest of the men embarked on some
balsas which were then with us, and which
belonged to the people of Tumbez who offered
to carry some Spaniards and baggage upon
them. Their purpose was treason as. later
appeared, for after we had left the island the
balsas carrying some troops and other things,
as I have said, put ashore on some small

158 Pedro Pizarro

islands which they [the Indians] knew. They
made the Spaniards go ashore there to sleep,
and when they believed them to be asleep,
they went away, taking the balsas with them,
and later they returned with more [Indian]
troops and killed those [Spaniards] whom they
had left there. What befell to three Span-
iards whom they killed was in this wise; and
the same thing would have happened to Fran-
cisco Martin, brother of the Marquis Don
Francisco Pizarro, and to Alonso de Mesa, a
citizen of Cuzco, and to me, if it had not been
for the fact that Alonso de Mesa was very sick
with the berrugas and so did not wish to get
off the balsa and [sleep] on the islet where
they had cast us ashore and where Francisco
Martin and I got off, keeping very close to
the shore in such a way that not more than
seventy paces lay between us and the water.
While we were thus sleeping, at midnight the
Indians pulled up the stone tied with a rope
which they throw into the sea to serve as an
anchor. Believing that Mesa was sleeping,
they intended to go away, leaving us there

Relation 159

and killing Mesa later. And, as I have said,
the berrugas gave Mesa great pain, and he
was awake, and, when he saw what the
Indians were doing, he gave great shouts
which awakened Francisco Martin and me,
and when we understood the evil they [the
Indians] planned, we bound the chief and the
two other Indians, and so we were on the
watch all night. And the next day we set
out thence and arrived at the coast of Tum-
bez, and the Indians, now that we were in the
surf, threw themselves into the water and
dragged us into the waves which cast us up
upon the shore very wet and half drowned,
and the Indians, seeing that we were now on
shore, pushed the balsa off into the waves,
then they took it and went off with it, carry-
ing with them everything which we were
bringing with us. At last they left us with
only what we wore upon our backs, and so
they robbed many who had put their belong-
ings upon the balsas believing that the Indians
would carry them safely; among [those who
did so] were captain Soto and others. Then,

160 Pedro Pizarro

when the Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro had
arrived at the port of Tumbez with the ships
and had sent soldiers ashore, he learned that
Tumbez was in rebellion, and he also learned
what had happened upon the balsas, on ac-
count of which so great sorrow came upon the
men that it was a marvellous thing, because
all his information led him to rely on Tumbez,
thinking that there he might refresh and rest
himself. Then, arriving at the village, and
seeing it all burnt and destroyed and in revolt,
for after [the people of] la Puna burned it, it
had never been rebuilt, the men of Nicaragua
had cause for sighs, and the soldiers heaped
maledictions upon the governor for leading
them, lost men, into remote lands with so
sparse a population, and they cursed Coaque
for the [misleading] wealth it had given them,
for up to now and in this region of Tumbez,
no news had been received of the greatness of
this land. While they were in this confusion,
it befell that an Indian of this place of Tum-
bez came in peace, and he said to Marquis
Pizarro that he had had no wish to flee, for he

Relation 161

knew what a dire thing was war, for there had
been [war] in Cuzco, and that it seemed to
him that the Spaniards were men of war and
of much power, and that they were destined
to conquer everything, and that for this rea-
son he had not wished to go with the others,
and [he begged] that his house be not robbed.
The Marquis told him to cause a cross to be
put where he lived, and he said that his orders
were that where it should be found nothing
should be touched. And thus he gave orders
to Rodrigo Nunez, who was the distributor of
rations, and he proclaimed that no one was
to go to a house where a cross might be seen.
This Rodrigo Nunez took great care in dis-
tributing the food which the Indians brought
together when they came out [from the town]
in peace, because [though] the people came in
peace, no Spaniard dared to enter an Indian’s
house to take anything from him, nor did
they dare to take anything from any other
place under penalty of being visited with just
punishment, and whoever was not in favour
of this [law] was exiled or slain. And all this

162 Pedro Pizarro

was kept up until Don Pedro de Alvarado
arrived in these parts. The men whom he
brought came with their bad habits from
Guatimala, and they were the inventors of
plundering when Almagro took them to Chile,
as will be told later on. 53 Then, seeing that
Tumbez was in revolt and the troops sick,
there was great need of eating meat and other
things, and Marquis Pizarro sent captain Soto
and seventy cavalrymen in search of Chile
Masa, 54 for thus was the Lord of Tumbez
called, and thus it was done. And while they
were going in search of him, captain Soto and
the men who were with him attempted a half-
hearted rebellion against the governor, pre-
tending to go to a certain province in the
direction of Quito. And because some did
not join the revolt and because Joan de la
Torre and others fled and came to give warn-
ing to the Marquis, he [Soto] dissimulated his
wish, but thenceforth, whenever Soto went
anywhere he [Pizarro] sent with him his two
brothers Juan Pizarro and Gonzalo Pizarro.
While, as I say, Soto was going in search of

Relation 163

Chile Masa, it happened that while the
cavalry was going up a very sharp slope, Chile
Masa saw them from a mountain where he
was hidden, and Chile Masa said to some chiefs
whom he had with him : If these Christians go
up the mountain with their horses I can not
escape. It would be a good thing for us to go
out to them in peace. Then he despatched an
Indian to Soto to say that if they [the Span-
iards] would pardon him, he would come to
them in peace. Soto gave him assurance, and
so he came forth with his chiefs and Indians,
and then Soto caused it to be made known to
the governor, on account of which there was
much contentment in the camp, and within a
few days he arrived [there] with the cacique
and Indians who were given a good welcome,
and they were ordered to go to their houses
and to have no fear. Then turning to the
Indian who said that he had not wished to
flee and that there had been war in Cuzco,
the Marquis had him summoned and ques-
tioned through an interpreter, who was one
of the boys whom, as I have said, they took

164 Pedro Pizarro

to Spain and who was called Don Francis-
quillo, because the two Spaniards who, as I
said, remained in this land had been killed by
the Indians a little while before we came
hither, one in Tumbez and the other in
Cinto. 66 Then, the Indian being asked what
Cuzco might be, he said that it was a great
town where the Lord of all of them dwelt, and
that it had much well-peopled land and many
vessels of gold and silver and things inlaid
with plates of gold. And certainly the Indian
told the truth, and less than he might have
said. But as the men were so downcast they
did not believe him, saying that it was a
stratagem of the governor, who had taught
the Indian what to say in order to encourage
the soldiers, and so they believed nothing of
the news as to what manner of land it was.

While matters were in this condition, news
was received of certain valleys such as Parina,
Tangarala and Poechos, 86 and, notwithstand-
ing what the Indian [messenger] told them,
they [the Spaniards] held it to be a romance.
The Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro agreed to

Relation 165

pass onward in search of these rumoured
places, and he, in person, and the sound men
set forth for Pohechos, taking Hernando de
Soto with him. He left his brother Hernando
Pizarro with the rest of the men, who were
sick, and with the peones in order that little
by little he might lead them after him. Hav-
ing set out, Don Francisco Pizarro went on
by forced marches until he reached Pohechos
where he had news of the province of Caxas
and of the history of Atabalipa, who was going
from Quito to Caxamalca waging war upon
his brother Guascar who, at this time, was
the natural Lord reigning over this land. 57
When he got this news he sent off Hernando de
Soto with some cavalry to Caxas in order to
learn who Atabalipa was and what troops he
had, and in order to see the province of Caxas
and bring him news of it. When Hernando
de Soto was gone, he tarried away more time
than he was granted, which caused a sus-
picion in the camp that all was not going as it
had been arranged in Tumbez. While they
were in this anxiety, Hernando Pizarro arrived

166 Pedro Pizarro

with the [sick] men already mentioned. While
matters were in this state, it befell that certain
Spaniards who were in the Chira [valley], 68
having come thither from Tumbez [were im-
perilled by] the Indians of that province and
of Tangarala [who] plotted to kill them, which
was discovered by an Indian woman whom
Palomino, the citizen of Piura, had. When
the Spaniards learned that [the Indians] wished
to kill them, [the Spaniards] retired to a for-
tress which they [the Indians] call Guaca, 69
where they adore their idols, and from there
they sent a messenger to the Marquis Don
Francisco Pizarro asking that he send them
[the besieged Spaniards] aid. When this was
learned, and Soto having now arrived bearing
news of Atabalipa and the province of Caxas,
from which the troops derived some consola-
tion, although they did not lack fear on
account of the news of the great number of
troops who were with Atabalipa, the Marquis
set forth with some cavalry to the Chira to
succour the Spaniards who were there, as I
have said, leaving all the rest of the troops

Relation 167

with Hernando Pizarro as if he were the
captain-general. Then, the Marquis Don
Francisco Pizarro having arrived at the place
where the Spaniards were, he sent to call the
cacique of Chira and others of Tangarala
who, as they were caught, had dissimulated,
saying that they did not wish to do thus and
so. Then [having finally] assembled the ca-
ciques, he told them that he had certain infor-
mation to the effect that they had wished to
kill the Spaniards and had assembled to do so,
and that, if they had not been detected, they
would have done so, for which he condemned
to death thirteen caciques, and, after giving
them the garrote, they [the Spaniards] burned
them. This done, the Marquis set forth for
Tangarala where he had agreed to establish
a town, and so he did so, and afterwards it was
moved to Piura where it is now established,
and this was the first town founded in this
kingdom, and all the villages and Indians that
there were from Tumbez to Piura were divided
up [among the Spaniards]. 60

While things were in this state, and while

168 Pedro Pizarro

Hernando Pizarro was at Pohechos, Ataba-
lipa, having news of [the arrival of] the Span-
iards, sent an Inga ore j on, whom they called
Apoo, [with orders] to go disguised in the
clothes of the tallanas 61 to see the Christians
and make the acquaintance of their captain,
and to see what manner of men they were.
Then, the Indian having reached Pohechos,
the caciques rebelled and ceased to serve Her-
nando Pizarro and those of the Inga’s men
who were with him as they had been wont to
do. And at this time, the Indian whom, as I
have said, Atabalipa had sent, took the cloth-
ing of the tallanas and a basket of guanas,
which are a fruit which there is in this land,
and he went to see Hernando Pizarro, taking
with him that present, pretending that it was
his purpose to beg forgiveness for the cacique
of Pohechos who had ceased to yield service.
And when he had arrived, Hernando Pizarro
arose in great wrath, and taking him by the
scarf which he wore, which is the tallano
clothing, he threw him upon the ground and
gave him many kicks, and the Indian hid his

Relation 169

face so as not to be known, and thus he stole
away. This event was learned [later] through
this same Indian. Afterwards he came openly
to see the Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro, as
will be related further on, and then he went
to give news to his Lord of what he had seen
and of what had befallen him. And when he
had arrived at Caxamalca, where Atabalipa
was, he told him that they [the Spaniards]
were bearded robbers who had come out of
the sea, and that the knights came upon sheep
such as those which there are in the Collao,
though larger than any which are in this land.
Then, the Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro
having determined to settle atTangarala, as I
have said, he sent word to Juan Pizarro his
brother [ordering] him to go with fifty horse-
men to the Piura [valley] and there establish
himself with a large watch consisting of many
spies who kept themselves in knowledge of the
doings of Atabalipa’s forces, and all the rest of
the men with Hernando Pizarro were ordered
to come to Tangarala. And all these things
having been arranged, the Marquis Don Fran-

170 Pedro Pizarro

Cisco Pizarro formed the settlement of Tan-
garala, distributing the repartimientos which
I have mentioned, and there were great differ-
ences of opinion as to who was to have Tum-
bez, and it fell to captain Soto [and his men]
because they were still incredulous [of the
reports received], and from here Francisco de
Ysasaga returned to Santo Domingo, promis-
ing his horse as a reward to whomever should
get leave for him [to do so]. 62

These tallanos wear shirts and mantles of
cotton worked with decorations in wool;
others wear scarfs about the head and under
the chin with a trimming of fringe. The
women wear long cloaks which fall from the
throat to the feet. They have the lips bored
near the chin, and in the holes they place
round buttons of gold and silver which conceal
the holes. They take them out and put them
in whenever they wish to do so. They adored
idols like the other [people] mentioned, and
also the sun. By command of the Inga there
were here deposits of dried small lizards which
were to be carried as tribute to the Inga at

Relation 171

Cuzco with all the other things which they
have to pay in tribute. From this Tangarala
to Cuzco it is almost three hundred leagues.

Then, having arranged for the settlement
and the allotment of land at Tangarala, the
Marquis left as lieutenant-governor Antonio
Navarro, His Majesty’s paymaster; here also
remained the other officers [including] the
treasurer and inspector. 63 Then, taking all
the rest of the men, leaving only those who
were the settlers in that place, he [the Mar-
quis] set out for Caxamalca, publishing it
among the natives that he was going to favour
and assist Guascar, the natural Lord of this
kingdom, who was now fallen and whom the
captains of Atabalipa, Quizquiz and Challi-
cuchima, were carrying off in a state of van-
quish ment. Then, as they were journeying
along with this purpose in Sarran, the same
Indian named Apoo who, as I have said, was
misused by Hernando Pizarro at Pohechos,
came out [to meet the Spaniards]. He came
openly, with certain impudent drakes, 64 and two
shirts with decorations of silver and gold, all

172 Pedro Pizarro

of which he presented to Don Francisco Pi-
zarro, saying that it was sent by Atabalipa.
And the coming of this Indian was for the pur-
pose of counting how many men there were,
and so he went from one Spaniard to another,
trying their strength in such a manner that
they laughed at him, and asking them to draw
their swords and show them to him. It befell
that when he came to one Spaniard to do this
he [the Indian] laid his hand upon his [the
Spaniard’s] beard, for which the Spaniard gave
him many violent blows. When this was
learned of by the Marquis Don Francisco
Pizarro he proclaimed that no one should lay
hands upon an Indian for anything which he
did. Then, having counted the Spaniards,
and having done the things which I have re-
lated, the Indian returned to his Lord Ata-
balipa, and related to him all that he had seen,
and he said that, in all, there were some one
hundred and ninety Spaniards of whom about
ninety were cavalry, and that they were
robbers and wastrels who came as knights,
mounted on sheep, as I have before declared,

Relation 173

and that they had caused to be prepared
many ropes in order to tie them [the horses],
because they came very full of fear, and [he
said] that when they [the Spaniards] saw the
troops which he [Atabalipa] had, they would
flee. With this news Atabalipa took courage,
and he held them to be of but small account,
for had he held them in fear he would have
sent troops to the slopes of the mountains,
which is a slope of more than three leagues
and very difficult, a place where there are
many bad passes unknown to the Spaniards.
With the third part of the troops which he
had, and which he might have stationed in
these passes, he could have killed all the
Spaniards who were going up [into the moun-
tains] or at least the greater portion of them,
and those who escaped would have turned in
a rout and would have been slain upon the
road. Our Lord ordered matters thus be-
cause it was for His service that Christians
entered this land. Then, the Marquis [went
on] travelling by forced marches, and when
we were come to the ascent into the moun-

174 Pedro Pizarro

tains, did not lack for a sufficiency of fear lest
there should be soldiers in ambush who would
deliver a surprise attack upon us. When we
had issued from the mountains and had arrived
at Caxamalca, 65 Atabalipa was at some baths
which are something more than a league from
the town of Caxamalca where he [Atabalipa]
had established his Camp, and, according to
what we learned, he had more than forty
thousand Indian warriours. Then, this same
day, the Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro sent
Hernando de Soto with twenty cavalrymen to
where Atabalipa was, [with orders to] say to
him that he [Pizarro] had come on behalf
of God and the King to preach to them and
to have them as friends and to say other words
of peace and friendship, and [to announce to
Atabalipa] that he [Pizarro] was coming to see
him. Then, having arrived at the place where
Atabalipa was, he being in a small house
which was kept for the Lord, together with
other rooms, for his use when he went thither
to rest and to bathe, and there was a great
tank which they had built, very well made of

Relation 175

hewn stone, and to the tank came two pipes
of water, one hot and the other cold, and there
the one was tempered by the other whenever
the Lord or his wives wished to bathe, and no
other person dared to enter the water, under
penalty of death. Then, having arrived, Her-
nando de Soto found him [Atabalipa], as I have
said, with all the troops in readiness for war.
Atabalipa was in this small house, as I have
said, seated on his duo (duho, seat) ; a very fine
thin mantle through which one could see was
held by two women before him, and they covered
him up with it so that no one should see him,
for it is the custom of some of these Lords not
to be seen save rarely by their vassals. When
Soto had arrived upon his horse, like the rest,
he [Atabalipa] ordered them to lower the
mantle, and he listened to all that Soto said
to him, which was all that he had been ordered
to say, all of which was made clear to him by
the interpreter Don Martinillo, one of the
boys already mentioned. After having heard
the message he replied, and he told Hernando
de Soto to return and announce to the Mar-

176 Pedro Pizarro

quis and the other Christians that on the
morrow he would go to the place where they
were, and [he ordered that] they were to make
reparation to him for the disrespect they had
shown in taking some mattings from a room
where his father, Guaina Capa, had been wont
to sleep when he was alive, and that they were
to repay all that they had taken between the
bay of Sant Matheo and that spot, as well as
all the food they had eaten, [and such repay-
ment] they were to hold in readiness against
his coming. Hearing this, Hernando de Soto
was dismayed, and on a plain which was there,
he [Atabalipa] caused a skirmish to be fought
against the cavalry, and when the cavalry had
barely come up to where the Indians were
posted, the Indians rose up and fled in fear.
When Soto had returned to Caxamalca, Ata-
balipa commanded that those Indians who
had arisen and had been afraid should be put
to death, as well as those of their caciques who
were there and their children and women, so
as to fill his troops with fear and so that none
of them should take flight when the time came

Relation 177

to fight with the Christians. He [Pizarro?]
and his captains made much of these cruelties,
as will be related further on. Having re-
turned, Soto gave the reply to the Marquis
[and an account] of all that had befallen, and
with a good deal of fear, they spent the whole
night on guard. That same night Atabalipa
despatched twenty thousand soldiers, under a
captain of his called Lumenavi, with many
ropes, to capture the rear-guard of the Span-
iards, and secretly they [the Indians] awaited
the time when they [the Spaniards] should flee
so that they might attack them and tie them
up, for they [the Indians] believed that when
they saw so many troops the [Spanish] troops
would rise up and take to flight.

Then the Spaniards spent the whole night
on guard, as I have said, with a fair measure
of fear, for Soto and those who were with him
related what they had seen and the great
number of troops which the Indian [Ataba-
lipa] had and because they were without
knowledge of how these Indians fought or of
what valour was theirs, because up to that

178 Pedro Pizarro

time they had not fought with Indian war-
riours, save in Tumbez and on la Puna where
the number of them did not go above six hun-
dred. After dawn, the Marquis Don Fran-
cisco Pizarro arranged his troops, dividing the
cavalry into two portions of which he gave the
command of one to Hernando Pizarro and
the command of the other to Hernando de
Soto. In like manner he divided the infantry,
he himself taking one part and giving the
other to his brother Juan Pizarro. At the
same time, he ordered Pedro de Candia with
two or three infantrymen to go with trumpets
to a small fort which is in the plaza of Caxa-
malca and to station themselves there with a
small piece of ordnance which he carried in the
field, and [it was arranged] that when all the In-
dians, and Atabalipa with them, had entered the
plaza, they [the Spaniards] would make them
[Candia and his men] a signal, after which the
firing should begin and the trumpets should
sound, and at the sound of the trumpets the
cavalry should dash out of the large galpon
where they were in readiness, and wherein many

Relation 179

more of them might have been hidden than
there were in their troop. The galpon had
many doors, all those on the plaza being large,
so that they might easily allow those who
were within to dash out mounted. At the
same time, Don Francisco Pizarro and his
brother Juan Pizarro were in another part of
the same galpon so as to come out after the
cavalry. Thus it was that all [the Spaniards]
were in this galpon, without one of them being
lacking. Nor did they go out into the plaza,
because the Indians did not see what sort of
troops they were and because it would put fear
into their [the Indians’] hearts when they all
came out together. All [the Spaniards] decked
their horses’ trappings with bells in order to
fill the Indians with fear. When all was thus
with the Spaniards, the news was carried to
Atabalipa by some Indians who were spying
about that all the Spaniards were waiting in
readiness in a galpon, full of fear, and that
none of them [dared to] appear on the plaza.
And in very deed the Indians told the truth,
for I have heard that many of the Spaniards

180 Pedro Pizarro

made water without knowing it out of sheer
terror. On learning this, Atabalipa bade them
give him food to eat, and he ordered that all
his men should do likewise. These people had
the custom of dining in the morning, and it
was the same with all the natives of this king-
dom. The Lords, having dined, were wont
to spend the day drinking until the evening,
when they supped very lightly, and the lowly
Indians spent the day in toil. Then, having
dined, finishing about the hour of high mass,
he [Atabalipa] began to draw up his men and
to approach nearer to Caxamalca. When his
squadrons were formed in such wise that they
covered the fields, and when he himself had
mounted into a litter, he began to march;
before him went two thousand Indians who
swept the road by which he travelled, and
these were followed by the warriours, half of
whom were marching in the fields on one side
of him and half on the other side, and neither
half entered upon the road itself at all. In
like manner, he bore with him the Lord of
Chincha, 66 riding upon a litter, which seemed

Relation 181

to his men a wonderful honour, for no Indian,
no matter how great a Lord he might be, ever
appeared before him [the Inga] save with a
burden upon his back and with naked feet.
Then, too, so great was the amount of furni-
ture of gold and silver which they bore, that
it was a marvel to observe how the sun glinted
upon it. Likewise, there marched before Ata-
balipa many Indians singing and dancing.
This Lord required for his going over the half
league between the baths where he was and
[the city of] Caxamalca [the time between]
the hour of high mass, as I have said, and
three hours before nightfall. Then the
[Indian] troops having arrived at the entrance
of the plaza, the squadrons began to enter it
to the accompaniment of great songs, and
thus entering they occupied every part of the
plaza. The Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro,
observing how Atabalipa had now drawn near
to the plaza, sent Padre Fray Vicente de
Valverde, first bishop of Cuzco, Hernando de
Aldama, a good soldier, and Don Martinillo,
the interpreter, with orders to go and speak

182 Pedro Pizarro

to Atabalipa and require it of him in the name
of God and of the King that he subject himself
to the law of our Lord Jesus Christ and to the
service of His Majesty, and [to say] that the
Marquis would regard him as a brother, and
would not consent that any injury be done to
him nor any damage be done to his land.
When the Padre had arrived at the litter in
which Atabalipa travelled, he spoke to him
and told him the things he had come to say,
and he preached unto him the matters per-
taining to our holy faith, they being declared
[unto the Inga] by the interpreter. The Padre
carried in his hands a breviary from which he
read the matters which he preached. Ataba-
lipa asked him for it, and he [Valverde] clos-
ing it, handed it to him [Atabalipa]. When he
had it in his hands he did not know how to
open it, and he threw it upon the ground. He
[Valverde] called upon Aldana to draw near
to him [Atabalipa] and give him the sword,
and Aldana drew it and brandished it, but did
not wish to plunge it into the Inga. When
this occurred he told them to get them thence,

Relation 183

as they were mere scurvy rogues, for he was
going to have all of them put to death. Hear-
ing this, the Padre returned and related all to
the Marquis, and Atabalipa entered the plaza
with all his pomp and the Lord of Chincha in
his train. When they had entered the plaza
and had seen that no Spaniard made his
appearance, he asked his captains where were
these Christians who failed to appear, and
they said to him: Lord, they are in hiding for
very fear. Tne Marquis Don Francisco Pi-
zarro seeing the two litters did not know which
was that of Atabalipa, so he ordered Juan
Pizarro his brother to attack one with the
infantry and he would attack the other. This
being ordered, he made the signal to Candia,
who began to fire and at the same time caused
the trumpets to sound, and the cavalry came
out in troop formation, and the Marquis with
the infantry, as has been said, and it all hap-
pened in such wise that, with the noise of the
firing, and the blowing of the trumpets and
the bells on the horses, the Indians were
thrown into confusion and were cut to pieces.

184 Pedro Pizarro

The Spaniards attacked them and began to
slay them, and so great was the fear which the
Indians had, and so great was their anxiety
to flee, that, not being able to pass through
the gateway [of the plaza], they threw down a
portion of the wall around the plaza, a portion
more than two thousand paces long and more
than an estado high. The cavalry pursued them
as far as the baths where they wrought great
havoc among them, and would have wrought
much more but for the coming of night. To
return now to Don Francisco Pizarro and his
brother, they sallied, as has been said, with the
infantry, and the Marquis attacked the litter
of Atabalipa, and his brother that of the Lord
of Chincha; [the latter of] whom they killed
there in his litter, and the same fate would
have been Atabalipa’s had not the Marquis
been there, because they were unable to pull
him out of the litter, and although they slew
the Indians who bore it, others at once took
their places and held it aloft, and in this
manner they spent a great time in overcoming
and killing Indians, and out of weariness, a

Relation 185

Spaniard made as if to give him [Atabalipa]
a blow with a knife in order to kill him, and
the Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro prevented
it, and by his prevention the Marquis received
a wound in the hand from the Spaniard who
wished to slay Atabalipa. Because of this,
the Marquis gave loud cries, saying: Let no
one wound the Indian on pain of death. Hear-
ing these words seven or eight Spaniards were
spurred on, and they rushed upon the litter
from one side, and, with great efforts, they
turned it over on its side, and thus was Ata-
balipa made a prisoner, and the Marquis car-
ried him off [with him] to his room, and there
they set a guard over him who watched him
day and night. Then, night having come, all
the Spaniards gathered together and gave
many thanks to our Lord for the mercies he
had vouchsafed to them, and they were well
content with having made prisoner the Lord,
because, had they not taken him so, the land
would not have been won as it was won. 67

Atabalipa, seeing himself a prisoner, feared
that they would kill him on the following day,

186 Pedro Pizarro

because he understood the Marquis to be
favourable to his brother Guascar, who was now
held prisoner by his [Atabalipa’s] captains,
and but shortly before had news of this reached
him [Atabalipa]. And having the fear which
I relate, on the morrow he asked them to call
to him the interpreter, for he wished to speak
to the Marquis. When Don Martinillo was
come, he bade him say to the Marquis Don
Francisco Pizarro that [it would not be well]
to kill him, and that he [Atabalipa] would
give him much gold and silver. Hearing this,
the Marquis ordered that he be brought before
him, and he asked him what he said, and he
[Atabalipa] repeated what he had said to the
interpreter. The Marquis asked him: How
much gold and silver would he give? Ataba-
lipa said that he would fill with gold a room
where the Marquis was, and that he would
twice fill the big galpon, where, as I have said,
the Spaniards collected together, with silver,
as his ransom. In truth a great treasure!
And having said these words, the Marquis
Don Francisco Pizarro, acting on the best

Relation 187

judgment of his captains and his own, caused
a scrivener to be called who put down in writ-
ing what this Indian [Atabalipa] ordered, and
at the same time he asked the Indian: On
whose behalf he ordered this thing? And he
[Atabalipa] replied: On behalf of all those
[Spaniards] who were to be found in Caxa-
malca holding guard over him, and those who
had routed his own forces. These Spaniards
who were here in Caxamalca would be about
two hundred hi number. And this act and
declaration made before a scrivener was the
cause of his death, as will be related further on.
When the act was drawn up, Atabalipa des-
patched his captains to cause a great treasure
to be gathered together and sent to him. 68

This command which I relate being given
by this Indian, the Marquis made enquiries
of hun concerning his brother Guascar, asking
where he was, and Atabalipa replied that his
captains held him prisoner. The Marquis
ordered him to have hun [Guascar] brought
thither alive, [and ordered that] they should
not kill him [Guascar], for if it were done he

188 Pedro Pizarro

[Atabalipa] would himself be killed. Then,
returning to the defeating of the Indians in
Caxamalca, those who escaped went to the
place where were those captains of Atabalipa
who were holding Guascar prisoner, and they
gave them tidings to the effect that Atabalipa
had been killed by the Christians, and many
soldiers with him. All this threw the cap-
tains and Indians into great confusion, and
they did not know what was best to be done,
for they had greatly ill-used Guascar in prison,
and they had his shoulders bound by means
of ropes to pieces of wood, and for this
reason they dared not to let him go free, nor
to confederate themselves with him, and if
they had not thus treated him, they would
have [released him], and if Guascar had been
released, the winning of this land by the few
Spaniards who were in it would have been
jeopardized, for the Marquis had in Caxa-
malca [only] some two hundred men, and in
Tangarala there remained about one hun-
dred. While things were in the state I
describe, and while these captains were in

Relation 189

great confusion, the messengers of Atabalipa
arrived and gave them the tidings that he
was alive, and told about the treasure which
he had ordered, and [they said] that he ordered
them to gather together all the treasure in
the land and send it to him. When Guascar
learned this, they relate that he said: That
scoundrel Atabalipa, where is this gold and
silver which he would give to the Christians?
Does he not know that it is all mine? I
myself shall give it to them, then they will
kill him. Upon learning this, Challicuchima,
captain-general of Atabalipa, secretly sent
him [Atabalipa] a message to inform him of
what Guascar was saying, and what he saw
would be his fate. When Atabalipa knew
that which his captain had sent to tell him,
and what Guascar had said, he determined
to carry out a stratagem worthy of a sagacious
man, which this Indian certainly was, and it
befell that one day, when the Marquis sent to
invite him to dine with him, as it was his cus-
tom to do, Atabalipa pretended to be weeping
in deep affliction. Learning of this, the

190 Pedro Pizarro

Marquis went to see him in order to find out
the cause of it, and when he asked him
[Atabalipa] about it, he weepingly refused to
tell. Finally the Marquis ordered him to
speak out. He replied: I am thus because
you are about to kill me. The Marquis bade
him have no fear and bade him tell his trouble,
for he would not be slain. He [Atabalipa]
finally said: Lord, you gave me orders that
my brother Guascar be not killed, because you
would kill me were it done. My captains,
without my knowing of it, have slain him, and
for this reason I am in the understanding that
you will now kill me. Then the Marquis Don
Francisco Pizarro, not understanding the
trick, turned to him to say: Is the Indian in
very truth dead? He said that it was so.
The Marquis reassured him, and told him to
be without fear since they had slain him
[Guascar] without his [Atabalipa’s] knowing
of it, and [Pizarro said] that no harm would
come to him, nor would he be put to death.
Then, being assured of his life, Atabalipa,
with the trickery already related, quickly

Relation 191

sent a messenger to Challicuchima [with
orders] that Guascar be slain at once, and so
they killed him at Guambos, or, as some say,
at Guanun, and they say that his body was
hurled into a river. Learning of this, Ata-
balipa sent orders to his captains Challicuch-
ima and Quizquiz [to the effect] that Challi-
cuchima should station himself in Xauxa with
half of the warriours, and that Quizquiz should
go to Cuzco and establish himself there with
the other half of the warriours which they
had. This came to be known after the death
of Atabalipa, and after two other deaths, those
of two brothers of his who had come to
shelter and protect the Marquis Don Francisco
Pizarro, and who had been captains of Guas-
car. Now I shall relate the death of these
two brothers, and shall tell about the war
between Guascar and Atabalipa, as well as
some other matters about this Atabalipa and
his sagacity. 89

While these two brothers of his, one called
Guamantito and the other Mayta Yupangui,
were with the Marquis, they asked him for

19 Pedro Pizarro

permission to go to Cuzco. 70 The Marquis
told them to take great care that they be not
killed there, and they replied that, as they
were of his [Guascar’s] house, they had
nothing to fear and that no one would dare
to slay them. Then the Marquis gave them
permission, and Atabalipa learned of it and
said to him: Lord, give not this permission
to these brothers of mine, for they are little
liked up there [in Cuzco], and if they are
killed, you will say that I ordered it. The
Marquis told this to the two brothers and
held back their going for some days, but so
much did they persist in [their wish] to go that
the Marquis gave them permission. And
when it was granted, they asked him for a
sword, saying that with it they would defend
themselves from all their enemies. The Mar-
quis gave it to them, and once more Atabalipa
besought him not to let them go. And when
the Indians had set forth, Atabalipa des-
patched [orders] that they be killed, and so
these two brothers were put to death.

I shall relate the war between Atabalipa

Relation 193

and Guascar as I heard it from many Indians
and important Lords of this land. In this
kingdom there were five Lords Ingas before
the era in which the Spaniards entered it.
These began to conquer and rule this land,
making themselves Kings of all of it, because
before these Lords vanquished it all the land
was divided into behetrias, although there
were some Lords who had small peoples sub-
ject to their government, but these were few,
and so the beh’etrias were ever bringing war
the one against the other. These Indians say
that an Inga arose [and became] the first Lord.
Some say that he came forth from the island of
Titicaca, which is an isle in a lake in the Collao
which is seventy leagues in circuit, and in it,
at times, there are storms as in the sea. A
small fish, somewhat more than a palm long,
is raised in the lake. The water is a little
saltish. This lake drains into another which
is formed in the province of Carangas and
Quillacas, almost as great as this other [lake].
No outlet is to be found, nor [is it known] by
what way it is drained. It must be under-

194 Pedro Pizarro

stood to reach the sea by underground chan-
nels, because, to judge by the great quantity
of water which enters it, it can not be other-
wise. Other Indians say that this first Lord
came forth from Tambo. This Tambo is in
Condesuios, six leagues, more or less, from
Cuzco. This first Inga, so they say, was
called Inga Vira Cocha. 71 They say that he
conquered, won and subjected to his rule the
country for thirty leagues around Cuzco,
where this first Inga established himself.
This Inga Vira Cocha left one son who was
called Topa Inga Yupangui Pachacuti who,
they say, won one hundred leagues, [as well
as other sons] Guaina Inga and Inga Amaro
Inga. And these two successors conquered
as far as Caxamalca. Guaina Capa, who was
the fifth descendant of these, went conquering
as far as Quito, and his captains, in another
direction, as far as Chile and as far as the bay
of Sant Mateo, and it is almost a thousand
leagues from one region to the other. These
Lords had the custom of taking their own sis-
ters as wives, because they said that no one

Relation 195

was worthy of them save themselves. There
was a lineage of these sisters who descended
by the same line as these Lords, and the sons
of these women were the ones who inherited
the kingdom, always the oldest son. Then,
besides these sisters, these Lords had all the
daughters of the caciques of the kingdom for
their concubines, and these waited upon the
great sisters, and in number they were much
more than four thousand. Thus all the Indian
women who looked comely to them were di-
vided into lots by these sisters who, them-
selves, were many. The rule which these
Ladies observed in serving their brothers and
husbands was that one of them should serve a
week with that portion of the Indian women
already mentioned which was allotted to her,
and she slept with him herself, or else the
Indian girl who pleased him most did so, and
in this way all the sisters served their turn
until they came back to the first one again.
These sisters lived in certain great inclosures
surrounded by many rooms and [provided
with] guards and porters, and those who did

196 Pedro Pizarro

not serve until their time came, occupied
themselves only with dances, jollities and
orgies. These Ladies had, or else it was given
to them, everything they wished and asked
for. While this Guainacapa was conquering
around Quito, they say he dallied in winning
it [Quito] during more than ten years, and he
had this Atabalipa by the daughter of the
chief Lord of this province of Quito. 72 Hav-
ing finished the conquest, Guainacapa com-
manded that a fortress be built in memory of
the victory which he had won, and thus it
was the custom to do in all the provinces which
they gained. While they were engaged upon
this work, there broke out among them a
plague of smallpox, never seen among them
before, which killed many Indians. And
while Guaina Capa was shut up, engaged in
the fast which he was wont to make, which
took the form of being alone in a room without
access to any woman, and without eating
either salt or aji, with which they dress their
food, and without drinking chicha (he was
thus for nine days, at other times for three),

Relation 197

while Guaina Capa was thus at his fast they
relate that three Indians never seen before
came in to him. They were very small, like
dwarfs. They said to him: Inga, we are
come to summon you. And when he saw this
vision [and heard] this which they said to him,
he cried out to his servants, and as they en-
tered, these three [dwarfs] already mentioned
disappeared, and no one saw them save Guaina
Capa, and he said to his servants: Who are
these dwarfs who came to summon me? And
they answered unto him: We have not seen
them. Then said Guaina Capa: I am about
to die. And at once he fell ill of the smallpox.
While he was thus very ill, they sent messen-
gers to Pachacama who were the chasques,
that is, post-runners whom they were wont to
station a league apart [along the roads]. One
Indian would run one league, and on seeing him
another, who was in waiting, would come out
upon the road to meet him, and while he who
was coming was still running in this manner,
he gave great cries, telling what his message
was, so that it was all told by the time he

198 Pedro Pizarro

reached the place where the other was, and
so he who heard it set out without hearing
more, and in this manner the message went
from Cuzco to Quito, which is almost ….
leagues, in five days. And in this manner they
sent to ask Pachacama: What should be done
for the health of Guainacapa? And the wizards
who spoke with the demon put the question
to his idol, and the demon spoke through the
idol and bade them take him out into the
sun, and soon he would become well. Then,
when they did so, matters went the other way,
and on being placed in the sun, this Guaina-
capa died. The Indians say that he was a
great friend of the poor, and he ordered that
great care should be taken of them through-
out the land. They say that he was very
affable to his servants, and very grave. They
say that he was wont to drink much more
than three Indians together, but that they
never saw him drunk, and that, when his
captains and chief Indians asked him how,
though drinking so much, he never got in-
toxicated, they say that he replied that he

Relation 199

drank for the poor of whom he supported
many. And had this Guainacapa been alive
when we Spaniards entered this land, it would
have been impossible for us to win it, for he
was much beloved by all his vassals. Ten
years had passed since his death when we
entered the land. And likewise, had the land
not been divided by the wars between Guascar
and Atabalipa, we would not have been able
to enter or win the land unless we could gather
one thousand* Spaniards for the task, and at
that time it was impossible to get together
even five hundred Spaniards on account of
their scanty numbers and the evil reputation
which the country had, as I have said.
Guainacapa being dead, they raised up as
Lord Guascar his son, to whom the kingdom
[rightfully] belonged, and who was in Cuzco,
for there his father Guainacapa had left him.
But after some years had passed by, and Ata-
balipa got his growth, and he was in Quito,
where his father begot him, as has been said,
he had become very manful and bellicose,
and for this reason they advised Guascar to

200 Pedro Pizarro

summon him and keep him by him [at court].
When Guascar sent to call him, Atabalipa
replied to the messengers of his brother
[saying that], as he had to have an Inga there
[in Quito] as a governor, they might say [to
Guascar] that he [Atabalipa] was there [for
the purpose]. Then, Guascar being coun-
selled by his vassals not to allow it, lest he
[Atabalipa] rise up in revolt, he [Guascar]
sent a second time to summon him, and he
replied in the same manner, and the third
time he sent to call him he [Guascar] added
that if he did not at once obey the orders
given to him, he [Guascar] would send for
him. The vassals he [Atabalipa] had in Quito
through the family of his mother, as I have
said, advised him to arise, as he was the Lord,
and because, if he went to Cuzco, he would
kill his brother, for he also was a son of
Guainacapa, like Guascar, albeit a bastard in
order to inherit the kingdom from those to
whom it belonged, as I have related above,
and [they said] that [the rightful heirs] would aid
him and would make him the Lord, for it

Relation 201

was known that the men of Quito were the
most valiant Indians of this kingdom, as
indeed they were. Atabalipa, seeing the will
of his vassals, caused himself to be raised up
as Lord over them and over the Canares who
aided him. 73

When Guascar received the news of the
uprising of his brother Atabalipa, he sent his
captains against him with warriours, and at
Tomebamba there was a battle between the
two forces, at* which Atabalipa was made a
prisoner by the men of Guascar, and after
they had placed him in a house under guard,
one night he broke loose, saying that the sun,
who was his father, had set him free, and so
do all these Lords declare that they were
the sons of the sun. [In truth] it was on ac-
count of the insufficient guard which was put
over him, for until midnight these Indians
keep watch vigilantly, but from midnight
onward they all go to sleep, and we Spaniards
have seen this during our experiences while
conquering the country, especially in the re-
gion of Cuzco. Having got free, Atabalipa

202 Pedro Pizarro

set himself to re-forming his troops, and he
went on ever victorious. These Indians say
that the reason why Guascar was but little
liked was that he was very grave, and he
never let himself be seen by his people, nor
did he ever come out to eat with them in the
plaza, as it was the custom of former Lords to
do sometimes, although others say that the
chief reason which led to his downfall was
that which I shall here set forth. These
Lords had the law and custom of taking that
one of their Lords who died and embalming
him, wrapping him up in many fine clothes,
and to these Lords they allotted all the service
which they had had in life, in order that these
bundles [mummies] might be served in death
as well as they had been in life. Their serv-
ice of gold and silver was not touched, nor
was anything else which they had, nor were
those who served them [removed from] the
house without being replaced, and provinces
were set aside to give them support. The
Lord who entered upon a new reign had to
take new servants. His vessels had to be of

Relation 203

wood and pottery until there was time to
make them of gold and silver, and always
those who began to reign carried out all this,
and it was for this reason that there was so
much treasure in this land, because, as I
have said, he who succeeded to the kingdom
always hastened to make better vessels and
houses [than his predecessors]. And as the
greater part of the people, treasure, expenses
and vices were under the control of the dead,
each dead man had allotted to him an impor-
tant Indian, and likewise an Indian woman,
and whatever these wanted they declared it
to be the will of the dead one. Whenever
they wished to eat, to drink, they said that
the dead ones wished to do that same thing.
If they wished to go and divert themselves
in the houses of other dead folk, they said the
same, for it was customary for the dead to
visit one another, and they held great dances
and orgies, and sometimes they went to the
house of the living, and sometimes the living
came to their. At the same time as the dead
people, many [living], as well men as women,

204 Pedro Pizarro

came, saying that they wished to serve, and
this was not forbidden them by the living,
because all were at liberty to serve these
[the dead], each one serving the dead person
he desired to serve. These dead folk had
great number of the chief people [in their
service], as well men as women, because they
lived very licentiously, the men having the
women as concubines, and drinking and eating
very lavishly. I came to understand this
when we first entered Cuzco, for the Marquis
Don Francisco Pizarro sent Don Diego de
Almagro, Hernando de Soto and Mango Inga
after Quizquiz who was carrying all the stolen
earth [gold] to Quito, and just before setting
out a captain of Mango Inga’s who was to go
with him came to the Marquis to ask him to
send and ask it of one of these dead men that
a relative of his who was in his service be
given to him [the captain] for wife. The
Marquis sent me [with orders to] go with Don
Martin, the interpreter, to speak to this dead
man and ask on his [Pizarro’s] behalf that the
Indian woman be given to this captain. Then

Relation 205

I, who believed that I was going to speak to
some living Indian, was taken to a bundle,
[like] those of these dead folk, which was seated
in a litter, which held him and on one side
was the Indian spokesman who spoke for him,
and on the other was the Indian woman, both
sitting close to the dead man. Then, when
we were arrived before the dead one, the in-
terpreter gave the message, and being thus
for a short while in suspense and in silence, the
Indian man looked at the Indian woman (as I
understand it, to find out her wish). Then,
after having been thus as I relate it for some
time, both the Indians replied to me that it
was the will of the Lord the dead one that she
go, and so the captain already mentioned
carried off the Indian woman, since the Apoo,
for thus they called the Marquis, wished it. 74
Returning now to Guascar, [it is said that]
one day becoming angry with these dead
people, he said that he was going to have
them all buried, and was going to take away
from them all that they possessed, and that
there were to be no more dead, but only living,

206 Pedro Pizarro

for they [the dead] had all that was best in
his kingdom. Since, as I have said, the greater
part of the chief people were with these [the
dead] on account of the many vices which they
had there, and they began to hate Guascar,
and they say that the captains whom he sent
against Atabalipa let themselves be conquered
and that others deserted and passed over to
him, and for this reason could Atabalipa con-
quer, for otherwise neither he nor his people
were sufficient to vanquish a village, much
less a whole kingdom, and so was Guascar
taken prisoner, as I have said, by the captains
of Atabalipa, and slain.

Returning now to the imprisonment of Ata-
balipa, as I have said, the Marquis Don Fran-
cisco Pizarro kept him prisoner, awaiting the
time when the treasure which he had promised
should be assembled, and also awaiting the
time when more Spaniards should come to the
land, because he did not dare to press on
further with only those whom he had, espe-
cially as he had to keep guard over Atabalipa,
because in accordance with the degree in which

Relation 207

the natives feared and obeyed him, it was not
possible to go up to Cuzco without freeing him,
otherwise so many people would attack the
Spaniards in the many bad passes which there
are, that they would kill them all. While
matters were as I tell them, Atabalipa advised
the Marquis, in order to gather the treasure
which he had ordered more speedily, that it
would be necessary to send a captain with men
to Pachacama, because, said he, this idol of
Pachacama ha’d more treasure than he [the
Inga] had sent for. And so he sent to call upon
the wizards who had charge of the guard of
Pachacama, and he had them brought and
held as prisoners, ordering them to provide
him with another ransom such as he had
ordered. 76 Also he asked that they give to
him two Spaniards in order to send them to
Cuzco in order to hasten on the bringing of the
treasure. Hearing what it was that Ataba-
lipa asked for, the Marquis Don Francisco
Pizarro at once despatched two Spaniards to
Cuzco, one being Martin Bueno, and the other
Pedro Martin de Moguer, with an orejon 76

208 Pedro Pizarro

whom Atabalipa gave them in order that he
might guide them in safety and might give
orders that everything they asked for should
be yielded. These two Spaniards being des-
patched, the Marquis determined to send to
Pachacama his brother Hernando Pizarro,
with fifty horse, and that from there he should
go up to Xauxa, and that, by means of fair
words and flatteries, he should bring back with
him Challicuchima, a captain of Atabalipa’s
and the most important one he had. And
having determined upon it, he talked with
Atabalipa about it, and said to him: I wish
to send my brother to Pachacama with some
Spaniards. Look you to it well that if any
Indian rise up against them or offer opposi-
tion, I shall kill you. Then I want him to go
to Xauxa and bring back with him Challi-
cuchima, your captain, because I have a desire
to see him, who, they tell me, is very valiant.
Atabalipa replied: Lord, let your brother go
and have no fear, for none will dare to harm
him while I live, and let him take with him
these guardians of Pachacama in order that

Relation 209

they may give him the treasure, and let them
carry it [back] in order to fulfill what I have
ordered. Then, when Hernando Pizarro and
the men who were to go with him were in readi-
ness, they came to take leave of the Marquis,
and Atabalipa ordered that the wizards of
Pachacama be summoned, and there, in the
presence of the Marquis and his brother, he
spoke to them, saying: Go with this brother
of the Apoo, and give to him all the treasure
you have [belonging to] Pachacama your idol,
and, as I have commanded that a treasure of
gold be obtained, so may you obtain two such,
for that Pachacama of yours is no God, and
even though he be so, give it, nevertheless,
and all the more so since he is not [a God],
The Marquis, on learning from the interpreter
what it was that Atabalipa had said, asked him
why he had said that that Pachacama of theirs
was not a God, since they held him to be so.
Atabalipa replied: Because he is a liar. The
Marquis asked him in what respect he had
been a liar. Atabalipa replied: You should
know, Lord, that when my father was sick hi

210 Pedro Pizarro

Quito, he sent to ask him [Pachacama] what
should be done for his health. He [Pacha-
cama] commanded that he be taken out into
the sun, and when he was taken out, he died;
Guascar, my brother, sent to ask him [Pacha-
cama] who was to win the victory, he or I, and
[Pachacama] said that he would, and I won
it. When you came, I sent to ask him who
was destined to conquer, you or I, and he sent
to tell me that I was. You conquered. There-
fore he is a liar, and is no God, for he lies.
The Marquis said to him that he [Atabalipa]
knew much. Atabalipa replied that [even]
shopkeepers know much. Hearing this, the
Marquis told him that Pachacama was the
devil who spoke to them in that place and
led them into snares, for God is in heaven,
and [he told him] other articles of our holy
faith. This having taken place, Hernando
Pizarro set forth with the guardians of the
idol of Pachacama, and when he arrived there
he found that they had carried off all the
treasure and had hidden it, and out of what
remained he sent some two hundred thousand

Relation

pesos [back to Pizarro]. Thence he went up
to Xauxa, 77 where he found Challicuchima
with many warriours. He came out in peace,
but he held ready in the plaza of Xauxa
many lances, and on the points of some were
placed heads of Indians, and on others tongues,
and on others hands, so that it was a fearful
thing to see the cruelties which he had com-
mitted and was committing. When he had
been in Xauxa some days, Hernando Pizarro
said to Challicuchima that he [must] make
ready to come and see his Lord Atabalipa, and
he did so, and came away with him, because
Atabalipa had sent to order him to do so.
Now to return to the two Spaniards who
went to Cuzco, they found Quizquiz there
[acting with] no less cruelty than his com-
panion had shown in Xauxa. These two
Spaniards related that these were the things
which Quizquiz did. Every morning he had
brought to him many birds, alive and with
their plumes untouched, and when they were
given to him, he let them loose and let them
fly away. And any Indian who angered him

Pedro Pizarro

was made to eat so much aji that he died,
and this notwithstanding the many other
deaths which he caused and had executed
upon many captains and important Indians
of Guascar’s party. Then there was collected
a great deal of gold which Quizquiz
assembled by means of causing certain
plates to be taken from the house of the
Sun, for they were laid on over the stones of
the wall and covered the whole front of the
house, and at the same time [he had brought]
a bench of gold encasing a great stone which
had been worked into the form of a bench on
which they said the Sun was wont to sit down.
[And likewise was asked for] a bundle of gold
which they had formed [this never made its
appearance], and some vessels of gold and
silver. This bench the Marquis Don Fran-
cisco Pizarro took for himself, as a jewel
worthy of a captain-general. It was worth
upwards of seventy thousand castellanos.
And with this [treasure] the Spaniards returned
to Caxamalca.

Hernando Pizarro and these two Spaniards

Relation 213

having returned to Caxamalca, as I have said,
we received news to the effect that Don Diego
de Almagro was coming from Panama with
reinforcements, and that at Puerto Viejo
other Spaniards, who came from Nicaragua,
had joined forces with him, and [we heard]
that in all they were more than one hundred,
because Almagro remained in Panama when
the Marquis came to conquer this land, and
he had not wished to come until he had news
of the greatness of it. And the same thing
was true of the officials of the King, who had
remained in Tangarala, as I have said, for
now they also came to Caxamalca. When
Almagro and the troops already mentioned
arrived, Atabalipa was disturbed, and he
understood that he was destined to die. And
when an Indian was dining with the Marquis,
he asked him how he intended to distribute
the Indians among the Spaniards. The Mar-
quis told him that he meant to give a cacique
to each Spaniard. [Then] Atabalipa enquired
whether the Spaniards were to have each one
his cacique. The Marquis told him no, but

214 Pedro Pizarro

said that he [Atabalipa] would have to build
villages where the Spaniards should be to-
gether. Hearing this, Atabalipa said: I shall
die. I wish to tell you, Apoo, what the Chris-
tians will have to do with these Indians in
order that they make them serve them. If
a Spaniard be given a thousand Indians, he
will have to slay half of them before he can
make the rest serve him. The Marquis reas-
sured huii, saying that he would give him the
province of Quito for himself, and that the
Christians would take the land between Caxa-
malca and Cuzco. Then, as Atabalipa was a
canny Indian, he understood that he was
deceiving him [Pizarro], and he formed a great
friendship with Hernando Pizarro who had
promised him that he would not consent to
his death, and therefore Atabalipa said that
he had seen no Spaniard who seemed to him
so much of a Lord as Hernando Pizarro.
Matters being in the state which I describe,
the Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro deter-
mined to send his brother Hernando Pizarro
to Spain with the treasure of His Majesty.

Relation 215

Atabalipa, learning of the departure of Her-
nando Pizarro, wept, saying that they would
surely kill him, and he was thus [disconsolate]
because Hernando Pizarro was gone away and
[that part of] the treasure which had arrived
was distributed. To [each of] the cavalry
were allotted eight thousand pesos and to the
infantry four thousand. This was being paid
in full, for they were but few to whom the
shares were given, and to some of the cavalry
a share and a* half were given, and to others a
share and three-fourths, and to the infantry
three-fourths or hah of a share was given, and
to very few a whole share, for [the treasure]
was thus distributed in conformity with the
service of each man and [the quality of] the
horse which he had. But Almagro wished that
it be not so, for he desired that he and his
companion [Pizarro] each take a half of the
whole, and that they give to each Spaniard
one thousand, or at most two thousand, pesos.
In this the Marquis was always most Chris-
tianly, for [he did not allow] anyone to be
robbed of what he merited. For this distri-

216 Pedro Pizarro

bution was made among all the Spaniards who
entered Caxamalca [and took part in] the
capture of Atabalipa, as I say, to all Spaniards
who entered that place with the Marquis, in
accordance with what had been proclaimed.
And to those who came afterwards nothing
was given. On account of this, a great con-
fusion burst out among the officials of the
King who had come with Almagro, for they
said that the treasure which Atabalipa had
ordered was without limits, and tha,t if the
proclamation which had been made was pre-
served, they would never have anything. The
officials and Almagro agreed, therefore, that
Atabalipa should die, and they settled it
among themselves that once he was dead, an
end would be made of the proclamation about
the treasure. Then they said to the Marquis
Don Francisco Pizarro that it was not fitting
that Atabalipa should live, for if he were re-
leased, His Majesty would lose the land and
all the Spaniards would be slain, and indeed,
had not this been maliciously plotted as it is
here related, they would have been right, for,

Relation 217

with him [Atabalipa] at large, it would have
been impossible to win the land. But the
Marquis did not wish to come to this decision.
Seeing this, the officials made many demands
upon him, setting the service of His Majesty
before all else. While matters were thus, a
demon availed himself of an interpreter who
was called Felipillo, one of the boys whom the
Marquis had taken to Spain, and at present
he was an interpreter and was enamoured of a
wife of Atabalipa’s, and in order to win her,
he gave the Marquis to understand that Ata-
balipa was causing the assemblage of many
troops in order to kill the Spaniards in Caxas.
Learning this, the Marquis seized Challicu-
chima who was at large, and he made enquiries
concerning this army which the interpreter
said was being assembled, and although he
denied it, Felipillo said the opposite, turning
the sense of the words of him who was asked
about the matter. Then the Marquis Don
Francisco Pizarro determined to send Soto to
Caxas to find out if any assemblage of troops
was being made, for certainly the Marquis

218 Pedro Pizarro

had no wish to kill him [Atabalipa]. Almagro
and the officials, seeing the departure of Soto,
hastened to the Marquis with many requests,
and, as the interpreter on his part aided them
with his slyness, they in time convinced the
Marquis that Atabalipa should die, for the
Marquis was very zealous in the service of
His Majesty. And so they filled him with
apprehension, and against his will he sentenced
Atabalipa to death, commanding that they
give him the garrote, and that when he was
dead he should be burned because he had his
sisters for wives. 78 Certainly these gentlemen
had read and understood very few laws, for
they passed this sentence upon an infidel who
had never been preached to. Then Atabalipa
wept, and he besought them not to kill him,
for there was not an Indian in the land who
would stir without his command, [and he
asked] what had they to fear, holding him, as
they did, a prisoner? [And he said] that if
they were doing this thing for gold or silver,
he would give them twice as much as had
already been ordered. I saw the Marquis

Relation 219

weep with sorrow at not being able to grant
him his life, for he certainly feared the exac-
tions [of the officials] and the risk which there
was in the land should he [Atabalipa] be set
free. This Atabalipa had given his wives and
Indians to understand that, if they [the Span-
iards] did not burn his body, he would return
to them, for the Sun his father would resus-
citate him. Then, when they took him out
into the plaza to give him the garrote, padre
fray Vicente de Valverde, already mentioned,
preached to him, bidding him become a Chris-
tian. And he asked if they would burn him
should he become a Christian, and they told
him no, and he said that if they would not
burn him, he would be baptized, and so Fray
Vicente baptized him, and they gave him the
garrote, and on another day they interred him
in the church which we Spaniards have in
Caxamalca. 79 This was done before Soto re-
turned to report upon what he had found to
have been ordered. When he came, he
brought the news that neither had he seen
anything nor was there anything, and on

220 Pedro Pizarro

account of this, the Marquis sorrowed deeply
for having killed him [Atabalipa], and Soto
was even more grieved, for, said he, and he
was right, it would have been much better to
send him to Spain and [he said] that he would
[gladly] have taken the duty of setting him
upon the sea. And certainly this would have
been the best thing that could have been done
with the Indian, for it was not suitable that he
remain in the land. Also it was understood
that he would not have lived many days had
they sent him, for he was very much rever-
enced and a very great Lord [and the humilia-
tion would have killed him]. I shall relate
now some of the things I saw and heard.

This Atabalipa was a well disposed Indian
of fine person, of medium size, not too fat,
beautiful of face and grave, with red eyes, a
man much feared by his people. I was told
that the Lord of Guailas asked him for leave
to go to visit his land, and a limited time in
which to go and return was conceded to him.
He dallied somewhat longer, and when he re-
turned, I being present, with a present of

Relation

fruit from his land, he began to tremble in
such a manner that he could not stand upon
his feet. Atabalipa raised his head a little
and, smiling, made him a sign to go away.
When they took him [Atabalipa] out to kill
him, all the natives who were in the plaza,
prostrated themselves upon the ground, letting
themselves fall like drunken men.

This Indian was served by his wives in the
order which I have already related, a sister
waiting upon him ten or eight days, with a
great number of daughters of Lords who
served these sisters, changing every eight days.
These women were ever with him in order to
serve him, for no Indian man entered the
[room] where he was and if one such came
from some distant place, he had to enter bare-
foot and bearing a burden. And when his
captain Challicuchima came with Hernando
Pizarro and went in to see him, he entered as
I say, barefoot and with a burden, and he
threw himself down at his feet and kissed
them, weeping. Atabalipa, with a serene
face, said to him: You are welcome here,

Pedro Pizarro

Challicuchima, meaning: You are well come,
Challicuchima. This Indian [Atabalipa] wore
upon his head certain llautos, which are braids
made of coloured wool half a finger thick and
a finger wide, made in the manner of a crown,
but round and not having points, being a
hand’s breadth wide and encircling the head.
At the front was a fringe sewed on this llauto,
a hand’s breadth or more in width, made of
very fine scarlet wool, very evenly cut, and
adorned with small golden tubes cunningly
adjusted up to the middle [of each cord in the
fringe]. This wool was spun, and below the
tubes was untwisted, and that was the part
that fell upon the forehead, for the little tubes
were enough to fill up the whole fringe. This
fringe fell to just above the eyebrows, and it
was a finger in thickness and covered the whole
forehead. 80 And all these Lords went about
with their hair short, and the orejones wore it
as if upon a comb. They wore very fine soft
clothes, they and their sisters whom they had
for wives, and their vassals, important ore-
Jones, or those whom the Lords made so, and

Relation 223

all the rest, wore coarse clothing. This Lord
put his mantle over his head, fastening it under
the chin and covering his ears. He did this
in order to cover up one ear which had been
torn, for when the men of Guascar captured
him, they tore it off. This Lord dressed in
very fine clothes. While he was eating one
day, and these Ladies already mentioned were
bringing him his dinner, and they placed it
before him upon some thin small green rushes,
he was seated .upon a duo of wood somewhat
more than a palm high. This duo was made
of beautifully coloured wood, and they always
kept it covered up with a very delicate mantle,
even though he might be sitting upon it.
These rushes, already mentioned, were always
spread before him when he wished to eat, and
on them they placed all the food in vessels of
gold, silver and pottery, and that [dish] which
stirred his appetite he indicated, and, taking
it up, one of the said ladies would hold it in
her hand while he ate. One day while he was
eating in this manner in my presence, and
when he raised a portion of the food to his

224 Pedro Pizarro

mouth, a drop fell upon the clothing which he
wore, and giving his hand to the Indian
woman, he raised himself and went into his
room to don other clothing, and when he
came back he wore a shirt and a mantle of
dark brown. Coming up to him, I felt the
mantle, which was smoother than silk, and I
said to him: Inga, of what is this soft clothing
made? And he said to me: It is made of
birds who fly by night in Puerto Viejo and
Tumbez and who bite the Indians. On my
saying to him: How is it and where could so
much batskin be gathered? he replied: Those
dogs of Tumbez and Puerto Viejo, what else
have they to do than to capture these animals
so as to make clothes for my father? And
thus it is that the bats of those parts bite the
Indians and Spaniards and horses by night, and
they suck up so much blood that it is a mys-
terious thing. And so it was made certain
that this clothing was of bat wool, and so the
clothing was of the same colour as they are,
for in Puerto Viejo and Tumbez and their
regions there are great numbers of them. One

Relation 225

day it befell that an Indian came to complain
that a Spaniard had taken some garments of
Atabalipa. The Marquis sent me to go and
find out who it was, and to summon the Spaniard
in order that he might be punished. The
Indian took me to a hut where there was a
great quantity of chests, for the Spaniard was
now gone away, and he [the Indian] told me
that it was from there that he had taken a
garment of the Lord’s. And, on my asking
him what he had there in those chests, he
showed me some in which there was every-
thing which Atabalipa had touched with his
hands, and garments which he had rejected,
in fine, everything which he had touched. I
asked him : For what purpose do you have all
these things here? He answered that it was
in order to burn them, for each year they
burned all these things, because all that was
touched by the Lords, who were sons of the
Sun, must be burned, made into ashes and
thrown into the air, for no one must be allowed
to touch it. Standing guard over these things
was an important man who guarded the things

226 Pedro Pizarro

and collected them from the women who
served [the sovereigns]. These Lords slept on
the ground on large mattresses of cotton.
They had large counterpanes of wool with
which they covered themselves. I have not
seen in all of this [land of] Pirii an Indian like
this Atabalipa, nor one equal to him in
ferocity and authority.

Atabalipa now having died, as I have told
it, his sisters and wives had been given to
understand that if they [the Spaniards] did
not burn him, he would return to this world.
Then, a number of troops, a sister of his, and
some Indian women having been hung, so
that they might go to the other world to serve
Atabalipa, two sisters remained, and they went
about giving utterance to great lamentations
accompanied by the beating of drums and by
singing, and by accounts of the deeds of their
husband. Then they halted until the Mar-
quis came out of his room, and, coming to
where Atabalipa had been wont to be, they
asked me to let them go in, and, having
entered, they began to call Atabalipa, seeking

Relation 227

for him very gently in the corners. Then,
perceiving that he did not reply to them, and
uttering great moans, they went out. When
they had gone out I asked them for what they
were seeking, and they told me what I have
related. I disillusioned them, and I told them
that the dead did not come back, and so they
[the sisters] went away. It was the custom
among these Indians that the women should
wail for their husbands every year, and the
kinsmen carrying the vestments and arms
[of the dead] before, while many Indian women
laden with chicha went behind [the wives],
and other women provided with drums upon
which they played while dancing and relating
the deeds of the dead, they were wont to go
from hill to hill and from place to place
wherever the dead, while still in life, had gone,
and after becoming weary, they sat down and
drank, and, having rested, they wailed again
until all the chicha was drunk.

After the death of Atabalipa, the Marquis
Don Francisco Pizarro raised up as Lord
Tubalipa, a son of Guainacapa and a brother

228 Pedro Pizarro

of Guascar, to whom the sovereignty right-
fully was due. 81 This man had come to see
Atabalipa when he was in prison, and he pre-
tended to be very friendly [to the Spaniards],
and he feigned illness throughout the time
when Atabalipa was not leaving his room.
He did this in fear lest Atabalipa order him
slain, as he had the rest of his brothers. Then,
having been raised up as Lord, in conformity
with [the laws of] the natives, and while he
was eating one day, Challicuchima being with
him, Challicuchima pledged him with a cup of
chicha, for they had this custom of pledging
thus, and Challicuchima put poison in the
chicha of Tubalipa, in such a way that he con-
sumed it, and he came to die at Xauxa at the
end of seven or eight months. These Indians
knew herbs by means of which they can kill
at the end of as many months or years as they
desired. Tubalipa having been raised up as
Lord, as I say, the Marquis Don Francisco
Pizarro commanded that all the troops make
ready to go to Xauxa, saying that thence-
forward all the treasure which should be found

Relation 229

would be for all. This gave contentment to
those who came with Almagro, and all pre-
pared themselves for the departure. Having
set out from Caxamalca, the Marquis Don
Francisco Pizarro with all his troops and with
the new Lord, Tubalipa, and Challicuchima
under guard, we went journeying as far as
Guamachuco. Arrived there, they were not
given Indian [bearers] to enable them to pass
onward, because Challicuchima had secretly
ordered that it be so, and because he was more
feared in the land than the new Lord already
mentioned. Challicuchima did this for two
reasons: one was that if it were so, they [the
Indians] would honour Atabalipa [Tubalipa?]
less, and so he [Challicuchima] said that if he
were to come with us, the very stones would
turn themselves into Indians. The other rea-
son was that [he wished] to kill certain caciques
with whom he was angered, as it became clear
at this point that he was, for, while talking to
the Marquis, he said to him: Look, Lord, how
slight account they take of Tubalipa, for they
have not even made ready the tambos. But

230 Pedro Pizarro

allow me to rule, and you shall see how well
everything will be made ready. The Marquis
said to him : Do whatever you wish. Having
this permission, Challicuchima summoned to
him all the caciques of this region of Guama-
chuco, 82 and, causing them to bring as many
large stones as there were caciques and chiefs,
he had them placed in the plaza in orderly
array, and then [he ordered] all the caciques to
stretch themselves out upon the ground and
place their heads upon the stones. Then,
taking in his hands another stone, as heavy a
one as he could lift, he hit the first [cacique]
upon the head with it, and as he [the cacique]
had a soft head, [the blow] flattened it out like
a tortilla. And thus he [Challicuchima]
wished to do to all the rest [of the caciques].
Hearing of this piece of cruelty, the Marquis
sent straightway to order that it be carried
no further, and thus was the evilness of this
man [Challicuchima] understood. And cer-
tainly there was very bad preparation in all
the tambos while he was alive, for, out of fear
of him, they did not obey Tubalipa. And

Relation 231

these natives of Caxamalca and Guamachuco
and their environs are well disposed folk.
They wore their hair long, and wound strands
of red wool around their heads, and they were
idolaters, like the rest already mentioned,
holding the Sun to be the chief god by com-
mand of the Ingas, for these last adored the
Sun. Passing hence, we went by forced
marches to Guailas. The people of Guailas
are dirty folk to judge by what the natives
say of them, porque se decia dellos que comian
la semilla que la muger echaba cuando se ayun-
taban con ella. The character of this people is
thus. They, also, wear their hair long, and
they have on their heads certain garlands
which they call pillos, as well as very white
slings wound about the head. From this
place we went to Atabillos, Tarama and
Bombon, which is another province. These
people wear ribbons around their heads and
long hair. These ribbons are painted yellow
and red. From here we passed on to Xauxa
where we had a reencounter with the war-

232 Pedro Pizarro

riours whom Challicuchima had left there
when he went to Caxamalca. These Indians
fled, setting fire to a great galpon which was
in Xauxa and to other storehouses [contain-
ing] foodstuffs. They burned this galpon for
the purpose of hiding a certain treasure of
gold which they were leaving there, in order
that it might be obliterated by the fire, and
so, when the fire had died down, certain
pitchers of gold and silver and vases were
found [in the ruins], although it was later
understood that another treasure of gold had
been sent for hiding to Lunaguana, that being
a valley near Xauxa, but hidden away from
the road. These warriours withdrew toward
Cuzco and joined forces with those of Quiz-
quiz, although there were certain skirmishes
upon the road, as I shall tell further on. 83

We having thus arrived at this valley of
Xauxa, the Marquis halted us here for some
days in order that the troops might rest, and
in order to examine this locality of Xauxa,
with a view to establishing in it a settlement,
which was done, that being the second village

Relation 233

which was founded [by the Spaniards] in this
kingdom, and afterwards it was moved to
Lima, where it is now established, in order to
have the port near at hand. While we were
stopping several days in this place, Tubalipa
died of the love-potions which Challicuchima
gave him in Caxamalca, as I have said. And
after having rested his troops, the Marquis
determined to leave some Spaniards here, and
so it was done, though the actual foundation
was not made until he returned from Cuzco.
This having been settled upon, he commanded
that the troops who were to go to Cuzco
should be made ready, ordering Soto to go
ahead three or four days’ marches with some
light-armed troops and to keep him [Pizarro]
always informed of what there was ahead.
And thus we set out, the one group and the
other. These natives of Xauxa are in two
groups, one called Xauxas, the other Guancas.
All wear their hair long, wound in the manner
of a fillet around the head and neatly trimmed.
The Xauxas wear fillets of red a hand’s
breadth wide; the Guancas wear black ones.

234 Pedro Pizarro

Their language is the common one which they
call Guichuasimi, 84 which is the tongue which
the Lord commanded them to speak gener-
ally, for each province had its own language,
different each one from the rest, and that of
the Lords and ore j ones was the most obscure
of all, and [so also was] that of Puerto Viejo,
for these people of Puerto Viejo when talking
almost scream like cats. This language of the
Guancas differs from the common tongue a
little, as that of the Portuguese differs from
that of the Castilians, I mean the language
of these Xauxas and Guancas.

To one side, and further down in this
province, are found the Chachapoyas. These
people are a warlike folk. Their heads are
partly shorn. It is said that they were rob-
bers. The women of these people are usually
beautiful. I heard one day Atabalipa say to
the Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro that in
this province there was a mountain range, and
that, from time to time, they used to set fire
to a small mountain which formed a part of
it, and that after the fire had died out, they

Relation 235

used to find melted silver in it. And this was
the reason why the Marquis Don Francisco
Pizarro did not fix upon his marquisate, be-
cause he was waiting to establish it in this
province and in that of Guanuco, pretending to
barter the Indians for those whom they had
there with permission from His Majesty. I
say that this mountain range mentioned by
Atabalipa was either where I have said or
among the Guancachupachos. And I am not
certain in what* pro vince of these two I men-
tion it was, although to judge by what he
[Atabalipa] said, it is among the Chachapoyas.
Having now set out from Xauxa for Cuzco,
as I have said, with Soto going in advance,
we went onwards upon our journey, and in
Vilcas certain warriours came out against Soto,
and upon an upward slope which one must
climb in order to enter Vilcas, they had a
reencounter, and the Spaniards routed the
Indians. We killed some of them; and of
this Soto gave news to the Marquis Don
Francisco Pizarro. The Marquis sent to order
Soto to wait for him three or four days’ jour-

236 Pedro Pizarro

ney short of Cuzco, which Soto did not do,
on account of which we were all like to be
lost. It was a fact that Soto was travelling
with the evil intention of entering Cuzco
before the Marquis. He had information that
in Vilca Conga, 85 ten leagues from Cuzco, all
the [Indian] troops were assembled, awaiting
us in order to give us battle, that being a
strong position for them on account of the
fact that there was a sharp slope [which has
an upward incline more than a league long]
which it seemed to the Indians would cause
the horses to be weary when they finished
going up the grade, and [the Indians thought
that] they would avail themselves the more
than if the land had been flat, and so it
almost turned out to be, and it would have
been so had not God our Lord given a remedy.
Then, the soldiers who were going with Soto
becoming aware of his intentions, one of them
gave the Marquis information about it, which
information reached us at the river of A van-
cay. 8 ‘ Learning of it, the Marquis ordered
Don Diego de Almagro to go hi pursuit [of

Relation 237

Soto] and detain him wherever he caught up
with him. And, when all the rest of the
troops who were there were made ready, he
gave them to Don Diego de Almagro in order
that he might go with them [to support him].
The Marquis kept only some twenty or twenty-
five men, most of those being the foot-soldiers
who were guarding Challicuchima. And cer-
tain it is that if the land had been undivided
[by dissensions], we would all have perished
here. When Almagro had set out, Soto re-
ceived news of his coming, and, in order to
carry out his intention, he went on with
double marches, giving as a pretext to his sol-
diers his wish to hurry to capture that pass of
Vilca Conga before the Indians should assemble,
and this in the face of the fact that they had
already been assembled there for some months.
While Soto was proceeding in this manner,
Almagro had news of it, and spurring on his
horses, he went on at double marches without
stopping day or night in order to catch up
with Soto. It was the truth, then, that Soto
urged on his horses so much that he wearied

238 Pedro Pizarro

them, and, not wishing to rest at the foot of
the slope lest Almagro, who was now near,
overtake him, he went up it with the horses
so fatigued that half way up the grade the
Indians attacked them and surrounded them
in such a manner that they even laid hands
upon the horses’ tails. Here they killed five
Spaniards and wounded many horses, and if
the night had not intervened they would
have killed all. This enemy was disposed in
such wise that some Spaniards who had re-
mained behind went to the Camp of the
Indians, believing that it was that of the Span-
iards. That same night Don Diego de Al-
magro arrived at the foot of the slope, and,
not finding Soto, went up the grade without
stopping, his horses being no less weary than
those which had previously gone up with
Soto. Having climbed the slope by the hour
of midnight, they [Almagro and his men] did
not guess where were the Christians and
where the Indians, because these Indians
were awaiting the dawn in order to attack
Soto and rout him, and so it would have been

Relation 239

had not Almagro arrived. Then, Almagro
being in a high place in order to descry where
the Spaniards [of Soto] might be and in order
that they might learn of his arrival, he ordered
a trumpet of shell to be sounded, and by its
notes the very much afflicted Spaniards who
were with Soto were made to rejoice, and they
came to where Almagro was, and this trumpet
was sounded many times upon this night in
order that some Spaniards who, wearied, had
remained beninc^ might be able to guess where
the Camp of the Christians was. Then, the
Indian warriours hearing the trumpet, they
knew that help had arrived, and in the morn-
ing they went up a peak, very leisurely, and
without fear of the Spaniards, and certain it is
that those who were in the greatest peril at
this time were those who had remained with
the Marquis, because they were so few, as I
have said, that had the Indians known of it,
they would have made but little ado about
killing them all. Then all stopped in this
place of Vilca Conga and they waited for Don
Francisco Pizarro who was now in Apurima,

40 Pedro Pizarro

where he had a message, sent by Almagro,
which told him all that had taken place. 87

Now that I have recounted all that befell
in connexion with the war from Xauxa as far
as Vilca Conga, I shall tell of the gold and
silver which we found upon the road. In
Andaguailas was found a great quantity of
spoiled silver, I mean to say small pieces.
This was left there, and was later taken to
Xauxa, and there other lots were discovered,
although they were but small, because this
was [silver] which they returned from Anda-
guailas, and [we found] what there was in
Xauxa and some large slabs of silver which we
found while going down from Curamba to a
plain where there was a village of mamaconas,
and further on it will be told what the mama-
conas are. We having arrived, then, at this
plain where was this village of mamaconas,
which was deserted on account of all its people
having fled, upon a plain which there spreads
itself before the houses, the Marquis stopped
to eat, and he ordered me to go into those
houses to see if there was anything to eat.

Relation 241

Accordingly I went, and while I was looking
for maize and other things to eat, I entered
by chance a hut where I found these slabs of
silver which I have mentioned, which were
as many as ten in number, and had a length
of twenty feet and a width of one foot, and a
thickness of three fingers. I gave the Mar-
quis news of it, and he and all the rest who
were with him came in to see it. These
slabs, Indians told [us], were [being] carried
to Trugillo in order to build there a house for
their idol who was called Chimo. The gate-
way of this [idol’s house] was found later, and
it was worth ninety thousand castellanos.
In Vilcas, in a round hut, were found certain
panniers, and in them were pitchers and plates
of gold. This, they said, was to have been
carried to Atabalipa and to him of Guailas
to form a part of what he had ordered. And
when he died, they remained in the place
where the event found them. Also I heard
Atabalipa [say] one day while he was eating
with the Marquis that they were bringing
him from Chile six hundred panniers [full] of

242 Pedro Pizarro

gold for the treasure he had ordered. Upon
being asked by the Marquis how great a
quantity that would be, he replied: It will
form a pile as high as this table. This
[treasure] never made its appearance. Then,
going onward, and having arrived at the
Apurima, which means The-Lord-Who-Speaks,
for here in this Apurima the demon used to
speak with them, it befell that, in the pres-
ence of a Spaniard whom Mango Inga held a
prisoner while he [Mango] was in revolt, and
who was called Francisco Martin, this Mango
Inga caused the demon to speak to him before
this Francisco Martin, who said that he heard
the voice of the demon reply to the questions
which Mango Inga put to him, and he [Mango]
said to him [Martin] : See how my god speaks
to me. There was in this [valley of] Apurima
which I mention a much painted hut, and
inside of it was set up a thick beam, thicker
than a very fat man, and this beam had many
pieces hacked out of it. It was very much
covered with the blood which they offered to
it. It had a girdle of gold bound around it

Relation 243

and soldered on so as to resemble lace, and
on the front were two large teats of gold like
those of a woman, likewise soldered to it just
as the girdle was. This beam was arrayed
with very fine garments of a woman, and
having many copos of gold, which are like
pins, and which the women of this kingdom
use, most of them being large, a palm in
length, and at the head they are very broad
and flat, and from these heads hang many
tiny little bells of gold and silver. These
[pins] they [the women] used to fasten the
mantles, which they use as clothes, over their
shoulders. At the sides of this thick beam,
which I mention, there are others, in a line,
from one side to another, and they occupy
the entire length of the room. These beams,
likewise, are bathed with blood and robed in
mantles like the large one, resembling, with
their copos, statues of women. Through this
largest beam they say it was that the demon
used to speak to them. They called him
Apurima. Over him was placed a guardian,
a lady who styled herself Asarpay, a sister of

244 Pedro Pizarro

these Ingas. This woman later hurled herself
headlong from a very high pass which leads
down to the descent that approaches the bridge
across the Apurima river. Covering up her
head she threw herself into the river near
this gully, more than two hundred estados
deep, at the same time calling out to Apurima,
the idol whom she served. In this land there
were idols which these Indians had, and which
they called Guacas, and in Cuzco there was
one which they called Guanacaure in the
lake of the Collao at Titicara, and this
Apurima [is] called Achimo in Trugillo, whither
they were taking these slabs [of silver]. And
above all these Guacas they held in esteem
Pachacama, because in their tongue Pacha-
cama means The-Lord-Who-Takes-All-The-
Earth. I am inserting some of these things
as they come to my memory in order not to
forget them. 88

Many other innumerable idols they had
wherever the demon appeared to them. But
these Indians held those which I have men-
tioned to be very important idols, to judge

Relation 245

by what they said about them. This beam
which I have mentioned and which was used
as an idol of Apurima, went to the factor
Mercado who had those Indians in enco-
mienda, and it was very …. they gave
him for it twelve thousand pesos. This
woman who, as I say, hurled herself [into the
river] did so that it [the idol] might be re-
turned. This was about the time of the
siege of Cuzco, for it was at that time that
Mercado came”.

To return now to captains Don Diego de
Almagro and Soto, who were at Vilca Conga
with the troops, awaiting the Marquis, as I
have said, [it befell that] Don Francisco
Pizarro having arrived at the slope of Vilca-
conga where all the said troops were assembled
waiting for him, we set forth to the city of
Cuzco. Having arrived at Xaquixaguana, 89
four leagues from Cuzco, we arrived at the
village [where] a son of Guainacapa, called
Mango Inga, came in peace to the Marquis
Don Francisco Pizarro, saying: To whom
does the sovereignty belong? And the Mar-

246 Pedro Pizarro

quis said that he would inform himself con-
cerning the matter in Cuzco, and in accord-
ance with this [policy] so was it arranged,
which should not have been done, for the
natives desired that only the Marquis should
govern and that he create no Lord [to rule
over them]. And certainly it would have been
better so, for this Indian [Mango Inga] did
things which will be related further on, for
[it chanced that] in this place of Xaquixa-
guana the treasonable actions of this man
Challicuchima toward the Spaniards were dis-
covered, and [it was learned] how he had com-
manded warriours to lie in wait for the Span-
iards, as I have already said, and in the passes
there were skirmishes [ordered by him]. Also
the pledges which he had made to Tubalipa
were learned about, and for these reasons,
and because, should he get loose, he would
greatly imperil the Spaniards, the Marquis
and his captains agreed to kill him, and
accordingly he was killed in this place. 90 And
when they took him out to execute him, he
gave loud cries, calling upon his companion

Relation 247

Quizquiz that 91

to kill, because he believed that

of which through the peaks of these moun-
tains

Jaguana there were warriours

thus was killed this captain

This man was a well-disposed Indian

sturdy limbs, dark, very

Believe me when I say that while this Indian

xlaca from Caxamalca in half

of Almagro came out on horseback from

the

of the Marquis, and as he saw him

to the horse making ready

Challicuchimaes[caped?]

without moving, although he arrived

to place his beard [or chin] above the face . . .

Chailicuchima did not make a move

All blamed Don Diego de Almagro

for not having overthrown him. He was a
very cruel Indian. From here we set out for

Cuzco the storehouses

which there were in this valley, and from here

248 Pedro Pizarro

to Cuzco [examples of] all the things which

there were in this kingdom 92 to the

Lord of Noctumbez. Up to this place it was a
thing for fear, and it appeared to all that it
would be impossible ever to put an end to it.
Even with some sea-shells with the ….
. . . they brought from Tumbez in order to
make the very delicate little reckoning [de-
vices?] coral, and of all the

many things which it can be imagined that

there are in these realms

judge. Arrived a league [from Cuzco] at a
plain which was named by a skir-
mish which there was with Quizquiz and his
men. This was a declivity leading down to
this plain where they killed and wounded

some horses The Marquis this

night in the with heavy guard

…. there was …. because …. the
afternoon in order to enter Cuzco. Thus
when, in this manner, at midnight rebellion
broke out and fighting between the troops

of some horses which escaped

understanding what it was that the

Relation 249

Indian warriours who were in the

attacked our men and did us much harm be-
cause the friendly natives who were with us
embraced the Spaniards, believing that Quiz-
quiz with his troops had attacked the Camp,
for, as they were his enemies on account of
belonging to the party of Guascar and on
account of having joined forces with the
Spaniards, they [the friendly Indians] feared
them much, and the enemy wished to slay
all of them. This tumult lasted a long while
until it was understood what the matter was.
Then Quizquiz and the Indian warriours who
were with him, hearing the great shouts of
the fighters, believed that we were attacking
them, and so they withdrew that night, and
on the next morning none of them appeared.

Then, after dawn the Marquis Don

Francisco Pizarro remained three

portions of his soldiers, and one went on

ahead, scouting, and the other part

guard, and he, with the rest of the troops,

on foot in the centre, in this

manner . In Cuzco there were

250 Pedro Pizarro

so many people who came to see us that the
fields were covered with them. When we had
entered with the Marquis, he caused all the
troops to be lodged around the plaza, he him-
self taking up his abode in Caxana, certain
rooms which of Guainacapa, and like-
wise Johan Pizarro and Gonzalo Pizarro his

brothers. In others were near to this

Caxana. 93 Almagro [was lodged] in other quar-
ters which were near to the place where the
cathedral now is. Soto [was lodged] in Amaro-
cancha in some rooms which are so called [and
which were the property] of the ancient Ingas,
which were in the plaza of the other part [of
the city]. And the rest of the soldiers were
quartered in a large galpon which was near
the plaza, and in Atun Cancha, 94 which was a
huge enclosed area with but one entrance.
On the plaza side this enclosure was [a house
of] mamaconas, and there were in it many
rooms. In these [buildings] which I mention
were lodged all the Spaniards. Then the
Marquis caused a proclamation to be made
to the effect that no Spaniard should enter

Relation 251

the houses of the natives or take anything
from them. It was the sight of the soldiery
who were in this city of Cuzco that caused

wonderment most of who served

these dead folk whom I have mentioned, for
each day they took them all out into the
plaza and sat them down in a row, each one
according to his antiquity, and there the men
and women servitors ate and drank. And for
the dead they made fires before them with a
piece of very dsy wood which they had worked
into a very even shape. Having set this piece
of wood on fire, they burned here every thing
which they had placed before the dead in
order that he might eat of the things which
they eat, and here in this fire they consumed
it. Likewise before these dead people they
had certain large pitchers, which they call
verquis^ made of gold, silver or pottery, each
one according to his wish, and into [these
vessels] they poured the chicha which they
gave to the dead man with much display, and
the dead pledged one another as well as the
living, and the living pledged the dead. When

252 Pedro Pizarro

these verquis were filled, they emptied them
into a round stone in the middle of the plaza,
and which they held to be an idol, and it was
made around a small opening by which it [the
chicha] drained itself off through some pipes
which they had made under the ground.

This had a sheath or choir which

in in the whole of it and covered

it up, and thus they had built a sort of hut of

woven mats, round, with which

night they covered it in the same manner.
They took out a small covered bundle which
they said was the Sun, carried by an Indian
whom they had as a priest, and who was
dressed in a long shirt above which he wore
other garments, which fell to below the shin
and had tassels like fringes a hand’s breadth
wide garnished all around. These fringes
were entire, not cut. Then came two others
who, like the first, were called guardians of
the Sun. Each of these two bore in his hand
a lance somewhat larger than a halberd, and
upon them were lashed clubs, and axes of
gold. They carried them covered up with

Relation 253

woollen sheathes like sleeves, for they covered
them up entirely and fell below. All these
lances were dressed around the middle with
girdles of gold. These Indians said that they
were the arms of the Sun. Wherever they set
this bundle down, they saw the head [of the
Sun], For the Sun, they had placed a bench
in the centre of the plaza, all garnished with
mantles of feathers, very colourful and
very delicate, and here they placed this
bundle, grounding the halberds on either side
of him. Holding the axes erect, then, they
gave this Sun food to eat in the manner which
I have already described while speaking of the
dead, and they gave him drink. Then, when
they burned the dinner of the Sun, one Indian
raised his voice and gave a cry which all heard,
and, hearing the cry, all those who were in the
plaza, and all those outside of it who heard,
sat down, and, without speaking or coughing
or moving, kept silence until the dinner was
consumed which they had thrown into the
fire they had made, all of which did not take
very long, for the wood was very dry. All the

254 Pedro Pizarro

ashes which were left over from these fires
they threw into the round stone trough shaped
like a teat which, as I say, was in the middle of
the plaza, and into which they threw

the This Sun had many guardians

and servitors who were like priests. One
among them was the chief, for he was like a
bishop, and to him all the others yielded
obedience, and, without the permission of these
[priests] they did nothing, and he [the chief

priest] was called Vila 96 He was

Lord of of the Lords of the kingdom.

They had for this Sun certain very large
houses, all of very well made masonry, in the

manner of that near very high and

well worked. On the right of it there was a
band consisting of plates of gold a palm wide,
fastened upon the stones [of the wall]. And
above all this, on the entire front of the enclos-
ure, which was not larger than a small patio,

there was a like a bench with

the encasing of gold which, as I have said,
covered it, and which they carried to Caxa-
malca. Here they seated the Sun when he

Relation 255

did not go out into the plaza by day. At
night they placed him in a small but very well
made room, likewise adorned with golden
plates in every part. Here lived many women
who said that they were the wives of the Sun,
and they pretended to keep their virginity
and to live chastely, and they lied, for they
involved themselves with the male servants
and guardians of the Sun, who were many.
Away from the room where the Sun was
wont to sleep; they made a small field, which
was much like a large one, where, at the
proper season, they sowed maize. They
sprinkled it by hand with water brought on
purpose for the Sun. And at the time when
they celebrated their festivals, which was
three times a year, that is: when they sowed
the crops, when they harvested them, and
when they made orejones, they filled this
garden with cornstalks made of gold, having
their ears and leaves very much like natural
maize, all made of very fine gold, which they
had kept in order to place them here at these
times. 97 In this house where, as I say, the

256 Pedro Pizarro

Sun was, more than two hundred women were
wont to sleep daily, all of them being the
daughters of important Indians. They slept
on the floor, and they placed the bundle of
the Sun upon a high bench, very rich with
much trimming of turnsoles, and they pre-
tended to sleep there and that the Sun had
connexion with them.

I shall try now to tell what these mama-
conas are, and this name of mamaconas which
they have was the usual one among the people
of this lineage of these ore j ones, for they were
numerous, and they were looked upon [by
the people] as noble, especially those who went
with their hair short, because there were
others who had their hair long and flowing,
without ever cutting it, although they said
that they were relatives, the ones with the
others, their origin being two brothers, one
of whom took the habit of going about with
his hair short and the other with his hair
long. From the lineage of those who cut
their hair were sprung the Lords of this king-
dom, and the sons and daughters of these were

Relation 257

held in greater respect. They were at liberty,
when they were of age, to choose whomever
they wished in order to serve him and to call
themselves by his name, and from the time
when they were small children their fathers
assigned them and dedicated them either to
the Sun or to the reigning Sovereign or to
one of the dead men whom I have mentioned,
and they set them aside for [the chosen one’s]
service. And those who were dedicated to
the Sun went to live in his houses, which were
very large and very well enclosed [with walls],
the women busying themselves with making
chicha, which was a kind of beverage which
they made from maize and drank as we do
wine, and with preparing the food as well for
the Sun as for those who served him. They
all had to be assembled at night, without any
of them going outside of these enclosures and
houses, for they had many porters who guarded
them, and there was but one door in these
enclosures, as I myself have seen. Nor was
any male to sleep or remain by night [within
the enclosure] under penalty of death in case

258 Pedro Pizarro

it should be found out [I saw what I here
describe]. And he who arranged and ordered
everything in [regard to] their rites had them
[the offenders] killed, because they obeyed
and feared him [the high priest] in their rites
and ceremonies. By day these women could
go out, and they were called mamaconas.
Those women who were thus for the service
[of the Sun] were as I have described them,
and [it was the same hi] other places very
well enclosed and having gates and porters
who guarded them. In like manner they
occupied themselves as did the women of the
Sun, as well as in serving the sisters of the
Ingas. Those who were with the dead had
more liberty, for, though they were shut up
in their houses, they were not so much op-
pressed as the rest already mentioned. In the
provinces throughout this kingdom of Pirii
there was this order of mamaconas, and it
gathered together, in the largest province and
town assigned to it, the daughters of the
Indian nobles, and even in the very villages,
even though they might be small, they had

Relation 59

houses for the reception of the girls born [in
all classes] of the Indians. From the age of
ten years onward they occupied themselves
with aiding in sowing the crops of the Sun
and of the Inga, and in making delicate cloth-
ing for the Lords, as I say, in spuming wool,
for the men did not like to weave it. In like
manner, these women made chicha for the
Indians who cultivated the lands of the Sun
and of the Inga, and, on his [the Sun’s or the
Inga’s] behalf they gave food and chicha to
garrisons of troops who might pass by the
land [of the Sun]. The arrangement they
had for giving wives to the Indians and for
renewing these mamaconas was this. Every
year the governor who ruled the province,
and who was an orejon appointed by the Inga
[each ten thousand Indians had its governor],
caused all these mamaconas to assemble in the
plaza, and he bade those who were the oldest
to choose the husbands that suited them
from their own village, and calling the Indian
men to them, they [the women] asked them
with what women of those who were there

260 Pedro Pizarro

they wished to wed, and in this way they pro-
ceeded every year, marrying off the oldest
women, and replacing them by others ten
years old, as I have said. If by chance any
of these Indian women was very fair, they
sent her to the Sovereign. These women
were called mamaconas. This was common
throughout this kingdom of Piru. These
women sustained themselves with the food
which they collected for the Lord, because
in each province they sowed and preserved
great supplies of [food], and from certain parts
they carried it to Cuzco. 98 And if the place
were very far away, they distributed it among
the natives so that it might not be lost, the
order being that when they [the natives] took
anything from the stores, they were to give
back as much new food [later on]. As they
had these storehouses, they had peace, for
whenever troops passed through the villages
they could provide themselves with supplies
from the stores without touching those of the
natives. Likewise, they had deposits of coarse
clothing, because all the fine cloth was taken

Relation 261

to Cuzco, and stores of sandals, which they
call ojotas, of arms such as those which they
used in the provinces in order to supply the
troops who passed by, and of all other things
which they needed. These governors who
were in the provinces had charge of all this,
and they had charge of causing to be carried
to Cuzco that portion of the things paid as
tribute which they had been ordered to send
thither. Similarly, they had charge of the
distribution of Jand among the natives of their
jurisdictions, assigning to each Indian what
was sufficient for him, and in like manner
they arranged about the quantity of water
which he might take for the working of his
lands, if it chanced to be in a land of irriga-
tion canals, for, in the greater part of this
kingdom they had them and used them in
order to …. plow the fields and sow them,
and later it remained for the rains [to do the
rest]. This was in the mountains. These
governors kept track of the Indians of both
sexes who were born. Also, they made those
of their district who had mines bring out from

262 Pedro Pizarro

them gold and silver. They made others
gather coca, which was a much valued herb
which they carry in their mouths and with
which they make all their sacrifices and idola-
tries, and this coca did not relieve them of
thirst, hunger and weariness, although they
said it did, and this I heard from Atabalipa
and Mango Inga. They honoured it much
because the Lords to whom they gave it used
it, and they held to be an honoured thing
whatever they ate or had. And finally, these
[governors] had accounts and reports of every-
thing, and, to preserve peace and justice, they
went every day to visit the villages of their
districts, in order that the Indians should not
possess nor have more than he [the governor]
assigned to them. They could not have their
daughters beyond the age of ten, nor could
they have gold and silver or fine clothes,
unless, perchance, the Lord gave some piece
of it to some cacique [for these last are Lords
of villages or provinces whom they call
caciques] in reward for some service he had
done to the Sovereign. Nor could they have

Relation 263

more than ten head of cattle, except with per-
mission from the Sovereign, and this per-
mission he gave to caciques, that is, permission
to have fifty or one hundred head. Believe
me when I say that, at the time when we
entered Cuzco, I was told by an Indian from
Caxamalca that he had been accustomed, ever
since he could carry a load, he had carried
two loads of maize from Caxamalca to Cuzco
on two trips, that is, half a hanega each load,
for these natives had measures of silver and
wood in which they measured out food, very
little larger than ours. From Caxamalca to
Cuzco there is a distance of more than two
hundred leagues of very rough road through
the mountains. On my asking him what he
ate on this long road, he replied that they
gave him food in the villages through which
he passed wherever he needed it, but that the
burdens had to arrive entire at Cuzco under
penalty of death, and there they [the Indian
bearers] placed the burdens in some store-
houses which were assigned to the people of
Caxamalca, and the same was done with all

264 Pedro Pizarro

the other things which the Yungas paid in
tribute. These tributes and supplies were
taken up into the mountains in order to place
them in storehouses which the Yungas had
made [there]. Some of the valleys are close
to the sea. It is a hot land; it never rains
there save for a mist in the winter, which is
but little, and there is no need of other huts
than rows of canes [fitted with] reed mats.
When, among these Yungas, it is winter, in
the mountains it is summer, and, contrariwise,
when it is winter in the mountains, it is
summer in these valleys. This change of
temperature takes place within a distance of a
league or two [and in so short a space one
may pass] from rain to rainlessness, or from
summer to winter, as has been said, for it
is a marvellous thing [to see how] on coming
out of this temperature of the plains one passes
in the space of a league or two into the differ-
ent temperature of the highlands. These
plains are sandy in some cases, most of them
being deserts, except where rivers flow from
the mountains to the sea, for in these [valleys]

Relation 265

there are towns. And [from] these store-
houses already mentioned which the Yungas
have in the highlands, the Indians of the
neighbourhood take [merchandise] and carry
it to Cuzco. The clothes worn by these
Yungas are all of cotton, as well in the case
of the men as in that of the women. Both
men and women wear the hair long, and some
of them bind it around the head and wrap
slings about it.

I shall now give an account of what was in
this city of Cuzco when we entered it, for
there were many storehouses which had very
fine clothing as well as other coarser garments,
and there were stores of escanos, food, of
coca. There were deposits of turnsole feathers
which looked like very fine gold, and other
turnsole feathers were of a golden green
colour. It was a very slender feather grown
by some little birds hardly larger than a
cigar, and because they are so small, they call
them comine birds. These little birds grow
this feather already called turnsole only upon
their breasts, and the place where they grow

266 Pedro Pizarro

is scarcely larger than a finger-nail. [These
Indians] had many of these feathers twisted
into a thin cord closely wound about a frame-
work of maguey in such fashion as to form
pieces more than a palm wide, and the whole
was fastened upon certain chests [which they
had]. Of this feather they made garments
which caused the beholders to wonder how so
many turnsole feathers could have been gathered
together. There were likewise many other
plumes of divers colours for the purpose of mak-
ing clothing with which the Lords and Ladies
bedight themselves at the time of the festi-
vals. There were also mantles made with
very delicate little spangles of mother-of-
pearl, gold and silver in such wise as to cause
astonishment at the dexterity of the work, for
the whole was so covered with these spangles
that nothing of the closely woven network
[which formed the basis of the garment] was
visible. These garments were likewise for the
Ladies. There were stores of sandals with the
soles made of cabuya, and above the toes they
were made of very fine wool of many colours,

Relation 267

in the manner of Flemish half-shoes, except
that they covered the instep [only up to] two
fingers below the ankle. I shall not be able to
describe the deposits which I saw of all the
varieties of apparel which they made and
used in this kingdom, for time would be lacking
for seeing it all and understanding for com-
prehending such a great thing. There were
many stores of small bars of copper [from]
the mines, of sacks and ropes, of wooden
vessels, of plates of gold and silver [so that]
all that was found here was a thing causing
astonishment, although the Indians did not
esteem it greatly according to what I under-
stood later, for had they done so, they would
have hidden it better. I shall describe, then,
certain notable pieces which, though hidden,
were found, without taking into account the
things found by accident and discovered in the
storehouses and among the mamaconas.

There were found in a cave twelve awnings
of gold and silver of the nature and size of those
used in this land, and so natural that it was a
thing to see. Pitchers were found half of

268 Pedro Pizarro

pottery and half of gold, the gold being so well
encased in the pottery that, although they
filled them with water, not a drop came out,
and so well made that it was a sightly thing.
Likewise a bundle of gold was found, on ac-
count of which the Indians were much afflicted,
for they said it was the figure of the first
Lord who conquered this land. Slippers made
of gold of the sort the women were wont to
wear were found. There were found, upon
many vessels of gold, lobsters of the sort that
grow in the sea, and [the vessels] were sculp-
tured with all the birds and serpents, even
spiders, lizards, and all the sorts of beetles
which they know, all carved in the body of
the gold. All this was found, as I say, in a
large cave which is outside of Cuzco among
some large rocks, for, being delicate pieces,
they did not inter them as they did other and
larger treasures of whose burial news was
received, later on, from certain Indians. I
heard two or three Indians who told about it,
one of them speaking to one Maldonado, a
servant of the Marquis, and he [the Indian]

Relation 269

told him that in Vilcaconga there was a cave
whither, he said, had been carried for hiding
a thousand loads of golden plates which Guas-
car had in order to adorn his house, and soon
afterwards this Indian disappeared, and it was
never possible to find him, because this Mal-
donado delayed one day in order to tell the
Marquis about it. Another Indian was killed
by Almagro when he [Almagro] was at odds
with Juan Pizarro in Cuzco, [and this Indian
was] a brother ‘of Mango Inga, by whose
request he slew him [Almagro]. [The Indian]
alleged to one Simon Juarez that behind the
fortress of Cuzco there was a plain in which
there was a great vault under the ground where
more than four thousand loads of gold and
silver were buried and hidden. And, Alma-
gro being desirous of killing him [the Indian],
Simon Juarez told Almagro what the Indian
knew and had said to him. Almagro told
Mango Inga about it, by whose request he
killed him [the Indian], for Mango Inga said:
Kill him, then, for I shall show you that treas-
ure. And after he [Almagro] had killed him

270 Pedro Pizarro

he wished to do it again, for there was no
such treasure. Also Almagro killed another
brother of this Inga, called Atosxopa, sending
four Spaniards who stabbed him at night,
among them being one Balboa and Sosa and
Perez and another who is not known, and
[this likewise was done] at the request of this
Mango Inga, because this man tried to kill
off all his brothers, thinking that later they
might be raised up [to the Incaship] and be-
cause, if there were no brothers of his, he
sought [to imagine] whom the Spaniards might
raise up to be Lord, and so he plotted with
Don Diego de Almagro to kill them all as he
had these two. And at length no more re-
mained other than a boy Paulo, son of an
Indian woman [already fled away] of whom he
took no account as he was but a bastard and
a young boy, and later Almagro took him
[Paulo] with him to Chile when he went there.
These [brothers of the Inga] Almagro killed
while he was lieutenant governor of Cuzco
for the Marquis, and [he did so] with a wicked
purpose, which was to win the friendship of

Relation 271

Mango Inga in order that he might favour
him in taking Cuzco [for part of] his juris-
diction, for already news had been received
that the grant made by His Majesty was com-
ing. These and other numerous treasures
these natives hid in the manner which I shall
relate, and will be an impossibility to find
them, for they took these treasures with what
troops were necessary in order to carry them,
and they placed them in a spot near where
they were to he hidden, and placing them
there they left fifty or one hundred Indians,
according to the size of the treasure, and
commanded all the rest to go away, and there
remained with these hundred Indians one of
these ore jones or two Lords who were vassals
of the kings of this land. They caused the
treasure to be borne to the place where it was
to be buried, and after having hidden it and
covered it over well, they took these Indians
who hjad buried it far away, searching for
certain remote trees where they might hang
them, for the orders were that all should be
hung, and so it was done, without their ven-

272 Pedro Pizarro

turing to do anything else, [and] they them-
selves slew themselves without leaving one
alive, be it only a single Inga, out of a hundred
or more, for such was the fear and respect
in which these Ingas were held that they
[their subjects] on being commanded to hang
themselves or kill themselves or throw them-
selves headlong [over a precipice], did so with-
out making any excuse or delay, and for this
reason the hidden treasures of this kingdom
are many. It will be a miracle if they are
found.

To return to the matter of Cuzco, [I will say
that] on top of a hill they had a very strong
fort surrounded with masonry walls of stones
and having two very high round towers.
And in the lower part of this wall there were
stones so large and thick that it seemed im-
possible that human hands could have set
them in place, and there were some as broad

as small and more than a

fathom thick. And they were so close to-
gether, and so well fitted, that the point of a
pin could not have been inserted in one of the

Relation 273

joints. The whole [fortress was built up in]
terraces and flat spaces. There were so many
rooms that ten thousand Indians could get
within them. All these rooms were occupied
by and filled with arms, lances, arrows, darts,
clubs, bucklers and large oblong shields under
which a hundred Indians could go, as though
under a mantle, in order to capture forts.
There were many morions made of certain
canes very well woven together and so strong
that no stone nor blow could penetrate them
and harm the head which wore the morion.
There were also, here in this fortress, certain
stretchers in which the Lords travelled, as in
litters. There were here many Indians who
guarded these stores and who saw to it that
these terraces and rooms were kept in repair
if it rained in the winter-time. This fortress
would have been impregnably strong had it
been provided with water, and [it had] great
labyrinths and rooms which I never saw com-
pletely and never understood. 100

Now I shall tell about the people who were
in this city of Cuzco and the vices which they

274 Pedro Pizarro

had. So many were the drums which were
heard by night in all parts [of the city], and
so much was there of dancing and singing and
drinking [partaken in] by the dead and by the
living, that the greater part of the night was
passed in this way. This was the daily
custom of these Lords and Ladies and ore-
jones, 101 for the rest of the Indians were in-
nocent of it except at certain times of the year
when, with the permission of the orejones
who governed them, they celebrated accord-
ing to their nature, but most of the year they
were occupied with work for the Sovereign.
The Sovereigns of this land said that they
made the natives work always because it
was more fitting so, because they were brawl-
ing idlers and wastrels, and if they were made
to work, they lived wholesomely. Now I
shall tell about the vices which these orejones
had and the artifice by which the orejones
were created. These, then, year by year,
assembled together their sons of ten years’
age and arrayed them in certain shirts and
certain short mantles, and they shod them

Relation 275

with sandals of straw. Then they fasted a
certain number of days in the manner I have
described, that is, by going without salt, aji
and chicha. On certain days they went daily
to a hill half a league from Cuzco, and there
they worshipped an idol of stone whom they
called Guanacaure. He who most speedily
came to this idol was the most feared. This
going to and fro lasted, I think, about thirty
days, at the end of which, here on this [hill]
of Guanacaure, “they bored their ears and put
bandages upon them. They put in their ears
some little thin sticks, and each day they put
in a thicker one, until they came to put in a
small wheel, like the hoop of a sieve, made of
certain rushes which grow in this land, and which
are broad and very light. They scraped the
flesh of the ear every day hi order that [the
opening] might go on increasing. There were
some [orejones] who had [ears] so large that
they came down to the shoulders. He who
had the largest [ears] was held to be the finest
gentleman among them. After having pierced
the ears of these boys, they held great dances

276 Pedro Pizarro

in the plaza, all holding on to a very thick
rope of gold which took up the entire length
of the plaza. This was never found. At
the time when these festivals were being held
all the Indians who were not ore j ones or mem-
bers of that caste were ordered to leave the
city, and [it was forbidden] for any of them
to dally in the environs of the city of Cuzco.
They had placed forts upon all the roads
leading from this city, which were four, to
wit: Pocollasuyo, Parachinchasuyo, Para-
condesuyo, 102 Indian porters and guardians
of the highway in order that no Indian might
take away gold or silver or fine clothing if the
Inga did not give it to him, and if any person
came with something given by the Inga one of
the porters was told of it, and if anyone car-
ried anything without leave, they killed him.
Now I shall tell of the vices and wickednesses
which these orejones had. They were much
given up to luxury and to drinking. They
had carnal relations with their sisters and with
those of the wives of their fathers who were
not their own mothers, and some men even

Relation 277

had relations with them

and likewise with their daughters. They
became drunk very seldom, but, being drunk,
they did all that the demon suggested it to
their wills to do. These ore j ones were very
proud and presumptuous. They had it as
a custom among them to take to wife those
of their father’s spouses who were not their
own mothers, and similarly, if their brothers
died, they took their wives. They had many
other wickednesses which, being many, I
shall not mention. 103

I shall now turn to an account of what the
Marquis ordered after he had rested his sol-
diers for some days, and after he had caused
the natives to raise up Mango Inga as Inga,
for here, and for this purpose the greater part
of the caciques of this land were gathered
together. [Mango] having been raised up, as
I say, as Sovereign, the Marquis ordered
Almagro and Hernando de Soto to make ready
and to go in pursuit of Quizquiz [and the
warriours whom he carried along with him
toward Quito, mastering the land] in order

278 Pedro Pizarro

that they might succour the Spaniards who
had remained in Xauxa, so that they [the
Indians] might not attack and kill them. And
in like manner Mango Inga prepared to go
with warriours of the land [for the sake of]
aiding the Spaniards and favouring them.
The Marquis remained in Cuzco with some-
what more than one hundred Spaniards in
order to collect all the gold and silver that was
to be had and divide it into shares, as well for
those who were going after Quizquiz as for
those who remained. And so he did it, and
at this time each share contained three thou-
sand pesos, and to the cavalry they allotted

two and to the infantry

three thousand. This was true of those to
whom whole shares were given, for here the
same order was preserved as had obtained in
Caxamalca, as I have related. Then, having
divided up the shares, and having given to
each one his due, he determined to found in
Cuzco the city which is now there, command-
ing that it be proclaimed that whoever wished
to be a citizen there should come and present

Relation 279

a memorial [of his desire] before the secretary,
and that each [settler] should ask for that of
which he had need, and this the Marquis did
in order to give greater spirit [to his men] so
that men would remain and settle in this
Cuzco, for certain it was that they stayed at
great risk to their lives, they being so few and
the natives so many. And for this reason he
gave very large repartimientos, giving them
by provinces, to each one who asked for them,
and for this reason he did not give encomien-
das, as His Majesty had asked him to do,
giving stores instead in order that he might
later take away what seemed to him best, as
later on was done by Picado when he en-
tered the secretaryship and Pedro Sancho
left it. He [Sancho] was the second secretary,
for he [Pizarro] had had as his first secretary
one Jerez, a native of Seville. 104 Then, hav-
ing made this repartimiento, and having
founded Cuzco, he made ready to return to
Xauxa in order to found there his town,
having now learned something about the
province of the Collao through two Spaniards

280 Pedro Pizarro

whom he had sent there, who were Diego de
Agiiero and Pedro Martinez de Moguer.
These people of the Collao are dwellers in a
cold land around the lakes which I have men-
tioned as existing in these provinces. And
in all these provinces of the Collao, Quillacas
and Carangas neither maize nor wheat is
grown on account of the great coldness of the
land, but certain potatoes, like earthy seeds,
are sown by the Indians in large quantities.
They likewise gather certain roots which they
call ocas, and which are somewhat longer than
a finger and have the thickness of two fingers.
They also gather a seed called quinua, 10 *
which grows on some trees like the cenizos
of Spain, but which are taller. The seed is
very small. These [people] sow at their own
times, and often [their fields] are frozen.
They eat some maize from the valleys which
they have in the direction of the South Sea
and from others which are in the Andes
toward the North Sea [and they barter for it]
with wool and cattle of which they have much,
because these people of the Collao under-

Relation 281

stand well how to take care of the flocks of the
Sun and of him who reigned over the land,
[and they had such flocks] in great quantities,
having large pastures in their lands and vast
deserts. In these deserts were bred large
numbers of mountain cattle which they call
guanacos and vicunas, similar to the tame
animals. The guanaco was a large smooth
animal having but little wool. The vicunas
were small, having much very fine wool from
which they made clothing for the Lords.
These mountain animals were so swift that
there were few dogs which were fleet enough to
catch up with them. In these deserts there
were Indians who watched over [the animals]
for the natives in order that those who passed
by should not take any of them, nor any of the
birds which lived here, which were partridges
and geese. These partridges are like those
of Spain, except that their feet and beak are
not red. Each year they [the Indians]
made circles in which they captured these
vicunas and guanacos and clipped them of
their wool in order to make clothes for the

Pedro Pizarro

Lords, and out of the animals which died they
made very fine resin, drying it in the sun
without . . . .for the Lords, and the live ones
they let loose. In these deserts there were
mad women, as I say. And at these roundups,
which they held by order of the Lords, the
Lords themselves were sometimes present to
enjoy themselves. The same was true in all
the deserts which there were in this kingdom.
The Indians of this province of Collao are a
dirty folk; they indulge in many abominable
sins, and many men go about in the clothes
of women, doing evil [and engaged in] many
idolatries. They wear coarse woollen clothing,
and both men and women wear the hair long
and curling. Those of one part of the lake
wear large bonnets upon their heads having a
height of more than a palm and as broad above
as below. Those of the other side of the lake
wear bonnets very narrow above and as broad
as small mortars below, made of black wool.
Other [tribes] who border upon these and who
are called Carnigas, and Aullagas and Quilla-
cas, wear hats like these worked in coloured

Relation 283

wools. The Charcas, who lie beyond, wear
their hair caught up and bound with little
nets around it made of cords of coloured wool
and having a cord which passes under the chin.
Almost all these [tribes] have one language,
unless, perchance, these Charcas differ from
the rest to some extent. And others, who
call themselves Amparaes, likewise differ in
language. In this land there were many
silversmiths, and [they were] very skillful
artificers, and they all lived in Cuzco. The
natives of this kingdom were known by their
clothes, for each province has a costume dif-
ferent from the rest, and they hold it to be an
affront to wear a costume not belonging [to
the wearer’s province].

.

Pizarro, Pedro

Relation of the discovery
P513 and the conquest of the

v.l kingdoms of Peru

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